[PEN-L:8274] RE: Interest rates

1997-01-17 Thread Paul Altesman

At 06:26 PM 1/16/97 -0800, Doug Henwood wrote:
At 6:05 PM 1/16/97, DICKENS, EDWIN (201)-408-3024 wrote:

 And to my mind the theory of interest
rate determination is crucial to filling in that lacunae.

OK, Tom - so what's the Dickens theory of interest rates?

Doug

I am sorry that this thread seems to be petering out (and that I missed some
of it).  I think we were touching on two important points.

1) Interest rates are determined by a struggle, not a "market"

Since interest income derives from the division of surplus value (OK
, profits for the so inclined), the interest rate emerges from the struggle
between financial and "productive" (OK industrial, if you wish) capitals.
This struggle is hardly the same as saying "supply and demand" in some
sterile market context (not the way Marx thinks). The financial vs
industrial face off is a starting point, not the ending point.  I honestly
don't see why Edwin Dickens chooses to see this point as a "nostrum" about
supply and demand. Just because the starting point is simple does not make
less profound.
  
Marx is clear that the complex struggle that produces an interest
rate can take place in three spheres: the money as a commodity sphere; the
"productive" sphere, and most visibly in the interface between the first two
(bank loans, etc). But whether its a three ring circus or not, this starting
point does go directly directly to the "political" (socio-economic?)
writings of Marx that Dickens says he wants to see linked .  (In fact, Doug
and Patrick illustrate the logical next step.) 

OK, Marx did not give general rules on how to link them.  But that is simply
because each socio-economic formation is specific and so there is no
deterministic holy grail.  While recognizing that these struggles are case
specific, that in no way makes them less important or represents a lacunae.
It is also true that Marx also didn't give many concrete examples in his own
"political" writings -  but so what.  Thats what bright PhD students are for
:) .

2)  As Patrick Bond and Doug Henwood point out, maybe we used to be able to
say that: the "financial circuit of capital vs. productive curcuit" was the
same as saying in shorthand "Banks vs. Industry". The roles in the
underlying economic process corresponded closely to the institutional entities. 

Hilferding's analysis (Banks structure Industry) may well have well
been true in Germany *of his time*.   Likewise, the analysis of the Japanese
"overloan system" (large manufacturers raise money from the Bank of Japan
through the city bank system, soldering open the financial/industrial
circuit which then also permits enormous bubbles) today seems prescient.

But as Doug points out, one of the major changes of our times - in
North America - is the breakdown of the arrangement that financial and
industrial institutions would each stick to their historical sphere,
limiting their struggle to the interface between them.  The one ring circus
in now a  full fledged three ring circus.

But its not clear to me where this struggle will lead.  If I
understand Doug's brief comment right, he sees intermarriage as the outcome.
Already? And on whose terms?

Clearly the financial instructions have had the upper hand.  It
started with an increased share of surplus value from the "money as a
commodity" sphere (going back to the petro-dollar days); was fed by larger
and larger extractions of surplus value taken from the govt. sphere (per
Doug on the bond mkt).  The resultant political leverage has permitted them to:
-have a preponderant voice in macro-policy, sustaining the advantage
in the interface with the productive sphere.
-gain a near stranglehold over intl eco policy (particularly for
developing and ex-socialist countries) and exch. rate policy.
 -and to engage in breathtaking raids on the "productive" sphere, by
commodifying control over industrial assets. 
   
Still, there are limits - i.e. I don't see too many financial
institutions trying to get their funds into the actual curcuit of production
with Hilferding like results.

Doesn't this leave two possible outcomes (at this level of analysis;
obviously there are many other possibilities when additional factors are
considered:
 1)   it may be that the industrial entities will shift so much of their
funds into the "money as commodity" sphere that they be indistinguishable
from the financial entities (Doug's and Blairs leanings) and disinvestment
in productive capital accelerates.
 2)   the cumulative effect of the effort in the productive sphere to
restructure capital/wage relations in the productive curcuit really pays off
and the financial/industrial pendulum swings the other way.




Paul Altesman






[PEN-L:8274] RE: Interest rates

1997-01-17 Thread Paul Altesman

At 06:26 PM 1/16/97 -0800, Doug Henwood wrote:
At 6:05 PM 1/16/97, DICKENS, EDWIN (201)-408-3024 wrote:

 And to my mind the theory of interest
rate determination is crucial to filling in that lacunae.

OK, Tom - so what's the Dickens theory of interest rates?

Doug

I am sorry that this thread seems to be petering out (and that I missed some
of it).  I think we were touching on two important points.

1) Interest rates are determined by a struggle, not a "market"

Since interest income derives from the division of surplus value (OK
, profits for the so inclined), the interest rate emerges from the struggle
between financial and "productive" (OK industrial, if you wish) capitals.
This struggle is hardly the same as saying "supply and demand" in some
sterile market context (not the way Marx thinks). The financial vs
industrial face off is a starting point, not the ending point.  I honestly
don't see why Edwin Dickens chooses to see this point as a "nostrum" about
supply and demand. Just because the starting point is simple does not make
less profound.
  
Marx is clear that the complex struggle that produces an interest
rate can take place in three spheres: the money as a commodity sphere; the
"productive" sphere, and most visibly in the interface between the first two
(bank loans, etc). But whether its a three ring circus or not, this starting
point does go directly directly to the "political" (socio-economic?)
writings of Marx that Dickens says he wants to see linked .  (In fact, Doug
and Patrick illustrate the logical next step.) 

OK, Marx did not give general rules on how to link them.  But that is simply
because each socio-economic formation is specific and so there is no
deterministic holy grail.  While recognizing that these struggles are case
specific, that in no way makes them less important or represents a lacunae.
It is also true that Marx also didn't give many concrete examples in his own
"political" writings -  but so what.  Thats what bright PhD students are for
:) .

2)  As Patrick Bond and Doug Henwood point out, maybe we used to be able to
say that: the "financial circuit of capital vs. productive curcuit" was the
same as saying in shorthand "Banks vs. Industry". The roles in the
underlying economic process corresponded closely to the institutional entities. 

Hilferding's analysis (Banks structure Industry) may well have well
been true in Germany *of his time*.   Likewise, the analysis of the Japanese
"overloan system" (large manufacturers raise money from the Bank of Japan
through the city bank system, soldering open the financial/industrial
circuit which then also permits enormous bubbles) today seems prescient.

But as Doug points out, one of the major changes of our times - in
North America - is the breakdown of the arrangement that financial and
industrial institutions would each stick to their historical sphere,
limiting their struggle to the interface between them.  The one ring circus
in now a  full fledged three ring circus.

But its not clear to me where this struggle will lead.  If I
understand Doug's brief comment right, he sees intermarriage as the outcome.
Already? And on whose terms?

Clearly the financial instructions have had the upper hand.  It
started with an increased share of surplus value from the "money as a
commodity" sphere (going back to the petro-dollar days); was fed by larger
and larger extractions of surplus value taken from the govt. sphere (per
Doug on the bond mkt).  The resultant political leverage has permitted them to:
-have a preponderant voice in macro-policy, sustaining the advantage
in the interface with the productive sphere.
-gain a near stranglehold over intl eco policy (particularly for
developing and ex-socialist countries) and exch. rate policy.
 -and to engage in breathtaking raids on the "productive" sphere, by
commodifying control over industrial assets. 
   
Still, there are limits - i.e. I don't see too many financial
institutions trying to get their funds into the actual curcuit of production
with Hilferding like results.

Doesn't this leave two possible outcomes (at this level of analysis;
obviously there are many other possibilities when additional factors are
considered:
 1)   it may be that the industrial entities will shift so much of their
funds into the "money as commodity" sphere that they be indistinguishable
from the financial entities (Doug's and Blairs leanings) and disinvestment
in productive capital accelerates.
 2)   the cumulative effect of the effort in the productive sphere to
restructure capital/wage relations in the productive curcuit really pays off
and the financial/industrial pendulum swings the other way.




Paul Altesman