NY Times   March 10, 2000

China's Controls on Rural Workers Stir Some Rarely Seen Heated Opposition

By ERIK ECKHOLM

     B EIJING, March 9 -- China's long-entrenched controls over where
     people may live and work have become a subject of unusual public
     debate here, with critics attacking the stringent efforts by cities
     to curb the entrance of rural migrants and bar them from choice
     jobs.
     
     The restrictions hold down economic growth, the critics say, worsen
     the country's growing disparities in wealth and violate the basic
     rights of the rural majority of China's population.
     
     After simmering in academic circles, the debate recently spilled
     into popular newspapers, a rarely permitted occurrence for a topic
     so politically charged, perhaps indicating that some high officials
     also harbor doubts about the controls.
     
     "In a market economy, the right to seek employment is fundamental,"
     Mao Yushi, a leading economist here and one of the most outspoken
     critics, said in an interview. "If that opportunity is blocked, how
     can people earn their bread?"
     
     "This issue goes beyond economics," said Mr. Mao, the 71-year-old
     chairman of the Unirule Institute for Economics, a private group.
     "It's an issue of human rights."
     
     For decades, China has rigidly registered the residence of every
     person, and for most Chinese it remains hard to legally move,
     especially from countryside to city.
     
     As the urban need for low-skilled workers has soared, cities have
     given out temporary certificates to migrants working in
     construction, for example. More villagers have streamed in without
     papers to fill bottom-rung jobs -- like garbage sorting, vending
     and moving goods by cycle -- where they can earn far more than on
     overcrowded farms back home.
     
     By some estimates, more than 50 million rural people are working in
     the cities at any one time, where they often face discrimination
     and police harassment.
     
     Originally, the registration system was part of Communist social
     planning and helped China avoid the growth of huge urban slums. But
     many economists now see the controls as costly interference in the
     labor market -- punishing more than half the population while
     propping up urban wages. That protection of urban workers is, of
     course, one strong reason the government clings to its policy,
     especially at a time of growing urban unemployment and fears of
     worker unrest.
     
     The debate surfaced this winter after Beijing said it planned to
     reduce the number of migrants in the city by several hundred
     thousand, from more than two and a half million believed to live
     here along with 10 million official residents.
     
     It gained energy in December, when the Beijing government published
     a list of 103 job categories from which migrants are legally barred
     including service jobs in hotels, tourist guiding, accounting and
     corporate sales or planning.
     
     Then in February the central government issued an emergency call
     for cities to limit the number of migrants moving in.
     
     Mr. Mao and a few other economists attacked the restrictions in
     print, while several newspapers have asked probing questions in
     editorials and featured personal pleas from migrants.
     
     On Feb. 22, in a typical example, The China Business Times asked in
     an editorial whether the limits on rural workers would slow
     economic growth. "It is understandable that urban administrators,
     facing employment pressures from laid-off workers, will want to
     play up local protectionism," the newspaper said. But shouldn't
     more senior officials, it asked, consider the national picture?
     
     Days later, The China Youth Daily carried a commentary by a reader
     who had returned from years in Japan, saying: "I can't believe what
     I'm seeing and hearing. A country that is enthusiastically
     demanding to join the World Trade Organization is treating its
     precious labor resources as a burden and inhibiting the economic
     interests, the very livelihoods, of tens of millions of rural
     laborers."
     
     After the Chinese New Year holiday in early February, when many
     migrants returned home to see their families, The China Economic
     Times noted that residents of Beijing and Shanghai had suddenly
     faced inconveniences: Nannies were scarce, milk deliveries were
     halted because of the lack of delivery men and coal bricks were
     hard to find.
     
     "Put baldly," the paper said, city officials "don't want migrants
     stealing local residents' rice bowls." But in fact, it said, many
     vacancies in the Beijing labor market had gone unfilled because
     "Beijing locals turned up their noses at them."
     
     But without careful administration of the stream of migrants
     entering Beijing, one city official said in response, the stability
     of the capital could be jeopardized.
     
     "That could be terrifying," he said.
     _________________________________________________________________
   
   Home | Site Index | Site Search | Forums | Archives | Marketplace
   
   Quick News | Page One Plus | International | National/N.Y. | Business
   | Technology | Science | Sports | Weather | Editorial | Op-Ed | Arts |
   Automobiles | Books | Diversions | Job Market | Real Estate | Travel
   
   Help/Feedback | Classifieds | Services | New York Today
   
   Copyright 2000 The New York Times Company
   
   [pixel.gif] [pixel.gif] Free ISP Access 
   
                               Advertisement

Reply via email to