Just a slab of cold peace after 60 years

By JING-DONG YUAN

MONTEREY, Calif. -- Sunday marks the 60th anniversary of the end of the Pacific 
War. In Asia, it is an especially critical milestone as China, South Korea and 
many Southeast Asian countries recall their struggle against the Japanese 
invasions, valuing peace all the more today. Time is supposed to heal wounds, 
but Asia's two great powers, China and Japan, still live in cold peace. 
The immediate postwar era set China and Japan on a course of hostility on 
opposite sides of the Cold War. The San Francisco Peace Treaty was concluded 
without the participation of the People's Republic of China, and Tokyo's 
recognition of the Chiang Kai-shek put Sino-Japanese relations in a deep 
freeze. 

The resumption of diplomatic relations between Tokyo and Beijing in September 
1972 marked the beginning of two decades of what both Chinese and Japanese 
analysts call the "golden age" of the bilateral relationship. Economic, social, 
and cultural contacts quickly expanded. Nurtured by the older generation of 
leaders such as Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Kakuei Tanaka and Masayoshi Ohira, 
China and Japan strengthened their political alignment against the perceived 
Soviet threat and "hegemonism." 

However, since the mid-1990s the bilateral relationship has been under 
increasing strains. History, territorial disputes, growing assertiveness and 
geopolitics seem destined to set Asia's two great powers on a collision course. 

History continues to haunt bilateral relations. China is particularly incensed 
by (1) Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's annual visit to Yasukuni Shrine, 
where 14 convicted Class-A war criminals were enshrined alongside 2.5 million 
dead Japanese soldiers; and (2) middle school textbooks that whitewash history 
and Japan's responsibilities in the Pacific War. 

Tokyo, on the other hand, is tired of making apologies and seeks to move beyond 
the period of Japanese militarism and aggression by presenting itself as a 
pacific and responsible member of the international community. 

Bilateral territorial disputes have in recent years intensified: Beijing and 
Tokyo both lay claims to exclusive economic zones in the East China Sea and 
accuse each other of illicit incursions as the two compete for and seek 
possession of energy resources. 

China and Japan are becoming increasingly assertive -- China because of its 
dynamic economic growth over the past two decades, increasing political 
influence in the region and continuing military modernization. Japan is 
prompted by its pursuit of becoming a "normal" country and gaining a permanent 
seat on the reformed U.N. Security Council. 

Mutual suspicions are as strong as they are palpable. Beijing is sensitive to 
Japanese constitutional reform and the Japanese Self-Defense Forces' expanding 
role and activities beyond its territories as a sign of re-militarization. 
Tokyo, meanwhile, is no longer coy about publicly stating its concerns about 
Chinese military modernization. 

Finally, there is China's concern with the U.S.-Japan security alliance and its 
impact on regional geopolitical landscape. Beijing was quite upset by last 
February's U.S.-Japan joint statement in which Tokyo, for the first time, 
explicitly referred to the peaceful resolution of issues concerning the Taiwan 
Strait and China's military transparency as among common strategic objectives 
it shares with Washington. For Beijing, this was unacceptable interference in 
China's internal affairs -- beyond the scope of a bilateral security pact whose 
original objective was the defense of Japan. 

Clearly, an estranged and, worse, a potentially adversary relationship between 
Asia's two great powers threatens the region's stability and is detrimental to 
the two countries' fundamental interests. An Asian "Franco-German" 
rapprochement would go a long way toward building the region's peace and 
prosperity. 

First, China and Japan must learn to live with each peacefully. Historically, 
the two have never been of equal status; now they have to adapt to and accept 
the other's rise. Accommodation rather than confrontation should be the basis 
of bilateral relationship in the years to come. 

Second, Beijing and Tokyo must develop mechanisms for regular high-level 
exchanges on issues of bilateral concerns. It is unfortunate that, since 
October 2001, there has been no summit meeting between the two governments. 
This only results in situations where public opinion and sentiments are allowed 
to prevent or dictate the terms of diplomatic dialogue. 

In addition, lack of dialogue also allows worse-case scenario assessments to 
influence policy formulation, further heightening mutual suspicions and leading 
to acrimony over issues such as the U.S.-Japan alliance, Taiwan, and Chinese 
military modernization. 

Third, the media can play an important role in either promoting or discouraging 
Sino-Japanese relations and, therefore, should make greater efforts in urging 
mutual exchanges and understanding instead of stoking nationalism and fanning 
hatred. 

Fourth, there need to be greater people-to-people contacts at the grassroots 
level. In the 1980s, such exchanges greatly promoted better understanding and 
friendship between the two peoples. Renewed efforts should be undertaken to 
deepen the ties, especially between the young. 

Sino-Japanese relations are at a crossroads. The two countries have developed 
close economic interdependence with annual bilateral trade exceeding $170 
billion ($205 billion if Hong Kong is included) and growing. Thousands of 
Japanese companies have invested in China. China and Japan are also critical 
players in the region's development of stable financial institutions, free 
trade, and greater regional integration. How to return the bilateral 
relationship to a positive trajectory is the greatest challenge for Beijing and 
Tokyo. 

Jing-dong Yuan is associate professor of international policy studies at the 
Monterey Institute of International Studies and research director of the East 
Asia Nonproliferation Program, Center for Nonproliferation Studies. 

The Japan Times: Aug. 14, 2005
(C) All rights reserved 


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