ugnet_: SV: how many died Why?
Listers !
How many people were killed by the government between 1962 and 1970 ?
Why did Amin kill the people he actually killed - what were the reasons for their murder by Amin and who were the members of of his state research bureau?
How many people have died between 1980 - 2003 and how have they met their death? What are the reasons for their deaths?
who were/ are the combants between 1980 - 2003
Where is ADF , what is ADF and when was ADF started and who started it?
This might be of interest to you:
Alice Kisokeranio, Kabanda's chief cook (UPDF closes in on ADF boss Kabanda 15 May, 2001)
One of the rebels was the wife of Phinehas Kisokeranio, the deputy to the ADF overall commander, Abdallah Yusuf Kabanda (new Visions 21 March, 2001)
WHO IS KISOKERANIO
Dr. Shariff Benjamin Kisokeranio
Dr. Shariff Twaibu alias Falcon
Dr. Shariff, Benjamin Kisokeranio son of Fenehasi Kisokeranio
Dr. Sharrif said Fenehasi Kisokeranio, a Rwenzururu freedom fighter, who joined the ADF, was stranded on the mountain. (14 ADF Rebels Surrender New Vision 21 June, 2001)
ADF doctor, Shariff Twaibu alias Falcon, and brother in law to ADF rebel Combat Chief, Abdallar Yusuf Kabanda (NewVision 15 May, 2001)
WHO IS KABANDA
Rogers Kabanda alias Abdallah Yusufu
Abdula Nasser, Kabanda's brother-in-law,"
Henry Matovu Birungi Kabanda alias Cobra (UPDF Captures Sheikh Jamil Mukulu Assistant 8 January, 2002)
Kabanda, the ADF rebel chief has been masquerading as Henry Matovu ('ADF Runs Out Of Weaponry New Vision 4 May, 2001)
Henry Matovu Birungi, (Cobra)
Henry Matovu Birungi also known as "Young" and Kikkukyekulidde (48 ADF rebels killed Museveni 29 December, 2000)
Recently, the army killed Kabanda's chief guide, Wilson Kireru, a.k.a. Kilama and his chief of intelligence, Muloberyo Mukyeza Watoto (New Vision 12 May, 2001)
Dr. Tom Otto alias Siraje Bogere
Chris Tushabe alias Commander Benz
On 28 November, 2001 NV reported Chief of the Staff, Oris Tusabe alias commander Benz
Abdul Nassir Ali, the brother-in-law to, Abdul Yusuf Kabanda.
Adf armoury chief, Moses Kakaire alias Vimbe Hussein.
Chief of records, Hajji Sadat Kinobe
Alirabaki Kyagulanyi a.k.a Sheikh Jamil Mukulu
Norwegian Broadcasting Company was led by the director of the Norwegian Christian Relief Organisation (CRN), Briefing a Norwegian TV crew at the officers mess in Kasese, Lt. Col. Tomusiime Nyakaitana said the woman used to carry bombs in bags of vegetables and fruits.
Nyakaitana paraded ex-rebels Herman Mubiru, 23, from Masaka, who has been in the bush for six years, Amos Thembo and Kiiza Mugisa, both from Bundibugyo district.
The New Vision saw two sacks of bullets, a 60mm motor, 18 RPG shells and five sub-machine guns. They were displayed at the armys 307 brigade near Kasese town.
The TV crew from the Norwegian Broadcasting Company was led by the director of the Norwegian Christian Relief Organisation (CRN), Bent Ronsen.
http://www.newvision.co.ug/detail.php?story=21172
The source said, the government has "impeachable evidence" that top ADF leadership namely Sheikh Mukulu, Abdalla Yusuf 'Kabanda (Chief of Combat Operations)', Dr. Shariff Benjamin Kisokeranio (social welfare) and late rebel commander, Henry Matovu Birungi Kabanda alias Cobra, were trained in Afghanistan by Osama bin Ladens al-Qaeda network.
(UPDF Captures Sheikh Jamil Mukulu Assistant 8 January, 2002
ugnet_: Zeru Knows Privacy?
These days the word 'privacy' has been cripping in Zery Hymens vocabulary in a big way. Trust me, I have never met a man so stupid.Sometimes he behaves or writes as if his malaya wife fed himsome rotten shit for breakfast. So.stupid.I don't know whether his parents were ever proud of him after birth.Tired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8.
RE: ugnet_: test
Beloved, never avenge yourselves, but leave it to the wrath of God; for it iswritten, Vegence is mine, I will repay, says the Lord. No, if your enemy is hungry, feed him; if he is thirsty, give him drink; for by so doing you will heap burning coals upon his head. Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good. Romans 12:19-21 -Original Message- From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Kiggundu Mukasa Sent: Tuesday, April 01, 2003 5:14 AM To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: ugnet_: test test --- Incoming mail is certified Virus Free. Checked by AVG anti-virus system (http://www.grisoft.com). Version: 6.0.463 / Virus Database: 262 - Release Date: 3/17/2003 --- Outgoing mail is certified Virus Free. Checked by AVG anti-virus system (http://www.grisoft.com). Version: 6.0.463 / Virus Database: 262 - Release Date: 3/17/2003 image001.jpg
Re: ugnet_: test
I'm on. I've been wondering wht happened. Stephen
ugnet_: Fwd: Why Museveni needs fifth term
From The Monitor, April 01, 2003 Letters April 1, 2003 Ten reasons Kaguta needs a 'fifth' term I would like to congratulate those in the politburo of the Movement's National Executive Committee who in their ultimate wisdom have decided that President Museveni deserves a fifth term in office, after having served only four consecutive five-year terms. President Museveni's bid for another term in office should be supported for the following 10 reasons: - So that the war in the North can spread to the other regions of the country. -Uganda can graduate from being the eleventh most corrupt country in the world to being the undisputed No.1. -The UPDF (and its proxy armies) can completely exhaust the minerals, timber and other resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo. -The Akazu (the presidential inner circle) can amass enough wealth and property to guarantee that they eradicate poverty from within their families. -The personality cult around President Museveni can be consolidated, with everything further centralised in the Office of the President. -The president can appoint corrupt, incompetent and inefficient Cabinet ministers who will be immune from censure by Parliament. -The president can dissolve Parliament whenever it displeases him. -So that the UPDF can take 50 percent of all the budgetary resources of the country. -Makerere University can grant President Museveni an honorary degree. -Maj. Muhoozi Kainerugaba will be old enough to succeed him in 2011. I recall that somewhere in the history of the NRM, 10 points was all it took for them to guarantee a "fundamental change" in the system of governance. A fifth term will certainly achieve that. J. Oloka-Onyango, Makerere University. MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: Bidandi 'disappointed' ?
Bidandi 'disappointed' at third term schemersBy Richard M. KavumaApril 2, 2003 The Minister for Local Government Jaberi Bidandi Ssali yesterday said he is "very disappointed" that the Movement has cleared President Yoweri Museveni to run for a third term. Sounding distraught, Mr Bidandi told the BBC radio that he still hoped for a turn-around by the time the issue goes to Parliament. "This issue is going to be around for nearly a year. Hopefully by that time people will have made up their minds and may be to the contrary," he said.Mr Bidandi was the first senior Movement leader to call for a discussion of a post-Museveni Uganda in November 2001. He has since also consistently called for a return to open multiparty politics.The National Conference (NC) of the ruling Movement on Monday endorsed the recommendation by the National Executive Committee ((NEC) to open up to competitive party politics, subject to a referendum. However, the NC also recommended that Mr Museveni should be allowed to run again for the presidency after his second and last constitutional term ends in 2006.Yesterday Mr Bidandi said that he believes Mr Museveni is genuine but that some of the people around him were scheming. "1/4Definitely those people around him played the game of scheming," Mr Bidandi said in apparent reference to those who had engineered the "third term" resolution. He said that the people who played the game are "very senior people". "The whole thing was orchestrated," he said. Mr Bidandi lamented that most delegates at both the NC and NEC meetings did not express their own views. "The whole thing was wrapped in representative memoranda," he said. "But there are so many things taken for granted by the movers of this motion," he said in what sounded like a veiled warning. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: From new breed to new greed:-Charles Onyango-Obbo
Ear to The Ground By Charles Onyango-Obbo From new breed to new greed: Museveni, NEC on slippery road April 2, 2003Last week I won more bets than I could keep count of. I had bet with many friends, both inside and outside the Movement, that - as these pages have argued in the last three years - President Yoweri Museveni would seek an extension of the presidential term. But not even the most cynical observer would have wagered that Mr Museveni would propose to the ruling Movements National Executive Committee (NEC) that the Constitution be amended not only to grant the president a third term, but to allow him/her rule for life (for that is what the absence of term limit in Africa means). On the other hand, the president proposed to NEC what on the face of it seems like progressive changes - lifting the ban on political party activities. For sure the fury of debate these proposals have unleashed in Uganda would not have happened in one African country Nigeria. Nigeria has had the most presidents coming and going mostly through coups, but a sprinkling through the vote. In common, they have all cheated the people and broken their promises. The result is that Nigerians are easily the most cynical Africans about politics. Last week I met a leading Nigerian intellectual in Nairobi on my way to Kampala. He had read the story of President Musevenis free-parties-in-exchange-more-presidential-terms proposal in the Daily Nation. He was beside himself with laughter. He told me that in Nigeria, from the very start they referred to the New Breed of African leaders (Yoweri Museveni, Bakili Muluzi [Malawi], Paul Kagame [Rwanda], Meles Zenawi [Ethiopia], Issayas Aferworki [Eritrea], late Laurent Kabila [Congo], to name a few) as Africas New Greed. They were either greedy for power, or wealth, or both. One of the admirable factors about this new breed-to-new greed grid (no pun intended) is its sheer style. Thus a term extension goes through NEC, to the Constitutional Review Commission; to a national referendum; and eventually to Parliament. This is partly because below the smooth surface of democratic ritual, something very sinister is happening. To appreciate this, one needs to factor in what is easily the most abominable constitution amendment proposal the one by the Electoral Commission to make registration for elections mandatory. How does this explain the long-term political plan by the undemocratic clan in the Movement government? Freeing political parties is only one element of democracy. It is not necessarily the most important, and it is not sufficient on its own without other factors like term limits, independence of the judiciary, sovereignty of parliament, free and fair elections, a free press, and economic prosperity. The Ugandan courts, as they did in the case of the Referendum Act some four years back, and lately with the Political Organisations Act, have often ruled bad laws to be unconstitutional. The new proposals to neuter the courts means that they are less likely to do so in future. Then, the only way the public has been able to deal with senior political leaders who abuse their office or are corrupt is through censure by Parliament. The NEC proposal that only the president should now exercise this censure takes that away. The effect of granting that power to the president is that, as was the case in Kenya during the rule of Daniel arap Moi, we shall have a large class of people who amass wealth corruptly, but they are shielded from all censure by an elected body. They become beholden to their sole protector, the president. This proposal therefore seems to have been strategically created to allow the president create a new patronage network. One might argue that if these things will anger voters, now with the political parties freed, they can throw out the Movement government. However, the timing envisaged for these changes means Uganda will remain effectively a one-party state for the next nine years. The decision to lift the ban on parties through a referendum, which can happen at the earliest in mid-2004, means that a vote for it can only be passed into law at the earliest end of 2004. If we then have a parties law along the lines of the POB, the political parties might only get off the blocks in mid-2005. By then the Movement will have re-organised, and would be sprinting to the finishing line of the 2006 polls. The chance for a level playing field for the parties, therefore, might come only in 2012! It is possible that those hurdles can still be overcome by smart parties. And that is where the ECs proposal for compulsory registration comes in. It is unusual that a proposal for compulsory registration is not coupled with one for compulsory voting. This, however, could have been done to solve a big problem in Ugandan politics the difficulty of concealing an election theft. The failure by the UPC to conceal an election swindle in December 1980, led to the Museveni
ugnet_: Why set Uganda up for turmoil?
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ugnet_: Is the third term project Ugandas step to hell?
Is the third term project Ugandas step to hell? This That By Henry Ochieng April 2, 2003 The pocket-sized Frederick Chiluba was unsuccessful in 2001 when he desperately tried to get himself another term as president of Zambia by tinkering with the law. The last we heard is that he is facing the full force of the law on such mortifying charges as stealing tax-payers money.New York citys former Mayor, Rudi Guilliani was a very unhappy man when his term came to an end. The same can be said of Bill Clinton who would have loved to retain the 1600 Pennslyvania Avenue, Washington D.C, USA address. There are fellows in those West African countries who fervently wish to be president till death. Some like Gnassingbe Eyadema in Togo have been in office since 1967 and might achieve that notoriety. We shall not say anything about Omar Bongo another pint-sized character- in Gabon who is in love with the presidency but will make a mention of Bakili Muluzi whose hopeless attempts to engineer a review of their laws to allow him a third term finally collapsed. Mr Muluzi fiddled and fiddled but the winds of commonsense prevailed against him. The professor across our eastern frontier, Daniel arap Moi, was finally pushed in spite of his protestations, delivered in a guttural voice, that he was still young and fit to show Kenya the way. Daniel is way over 70. And now, we address our Mr Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda since 26 January, 1986. He has just won an endorsement from his party, at its annual delegates conference when it voted to lift the constitutional two-term limit for presidents. That opens the way for Mr Museveni to offer himself for re-election in 2006. Officially, that would be a third term but it really is a fifth term. Article 105(2) of the Constitution will not stop the man because its stipulation that a person shall not be elected under this constitution to hold office as president for more than two terms will soon be consigned to history by way of amendment. The only thing that stands in Mr Musevenis way as he probably pursues what former president Idi Amin Dada described as life presidency, is parliament. But you make that judgement on the incurably optimistic assumption that the House will find the wind to refuse the man. With an assured two thirds majority, made up of lukewarm and true believers of the Movement doctrine and a generous serving of those who pay particular attention to their stomachs in parliament, Article 105 will be expunged without another thought. This is a parliament made of MPs who laugh when they are insulted by among others Mr Museveni himself. Make no mistake because when the hour comes, parliament will vote wisely. During last weeks party meetings, delegates from Ugandas 56 districts used the occasion to take potshots at the MPs accusing them of being stumbling blocks to the revolution. They basically said the members are selfish because while they do not entertain the notion of term limits for themselves, they have been happy to expose the president to this difficulty. And the members of Parliament in attendance actually laughed with each disparaging submission.You have thick-skinned types in the House who are impervious to abuse and cannot be relied on to guard the best interests of the country. These are a people who long ago relinquished the right to think and are quite happy to be (mis)used in all whimsical projects the regime dreams up. To the reasons why Mr Museveni has found it pressing to hang on. The less charitable opinion held by the people, who go by the self-congratulatory tag of independent-minded, is that the fellow is power hungry and scared at the same time. Scared of prosecution for alleged crimes committed against humanity in the north by an army he leads. Scared of prosecution for allegedly taking inappropriate decisions that have cost the countrys economy an arm. Scared of being asked troublesome questions about what Uganda has done and continues to do in the DR. Congo by the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice. You do not have to agree with these suppositions. But you have to ask where did the democrat, who stood on the steps of parliament that day in January 1986 and said, this is not a mere change of guards in reference to despots who had run the country into the ground, go? On the other side of the fence, you have the coalition of the willing, to quote the much-maligned George Bush Jr of the US who see the third term as an opportunity to consolidate the gains of the Movement as the country enters new phase. To the innocent bystander, this kind drivel would not find space even in a poorly written communist working paper. In this new phase, we have been told the army and police will be less visible in the national politics, which in itself is an admission of their past illegal and partial interference geared at maintaining Mr Musevenis stranglehold on the
[no subject]
One day it was an interim govt, next a political system By Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba April 2, 2003 A 17-year love-hate tango between Movement and the political parties The Movement says political parties brought the ban upon themselves; they were constituted along tribal and religious lines. Yoweri Museveni wanted a total ban on parties soon after he was sworn in as president in 1986. Eriya Kategaya, as National Political Commissar, tried to hold talks with parties to see how party operations could be regulated. Dr Kizza Besigye, as an army representative in NRC, moved a motion to extend the interim parliament and in effect Mr Musevenis government in one of the first manoeuvres that doomed the parties. Over the years, the cast seems to have remained the same, but the roles have changed. 17 years today, the players have been thrown on different paths but the issues just wont go away. And it all began with Legal Notice Number One of 1986 as Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba report: - One main outcome from the National Conference meeting of Sunday and Monday is that it has thickened the suspicion between key players in the Movement and the multiparty camps. Even within the Movement ranks, loyalties were never a clear black or white, they were often tinted. You could read as much from Mr Musevenis remarks at the Movement National Executive Committee meeting at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi of 26 March. It was this underlying mistrust that Mr Museveni glossed over as he announced the freeing of political parties. NEC FRONT ROW: Left to right, Mr Godfrey Binaisa, Mr Kintu Musoke and Mr Jotham Tumwesigye at Kyankwanzi last week (PPU photo). The Movement will remain more or less as it is now, he said, but allow those who never welcomed pluralism in unity to go. We should unload them. President Museveni feels that this will strengthen the organisation as per the recommendations of the ad hoc committee set up in December 2001 to review calls by some key figures in the Movement that it was time to free political parties. The National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, chaired this committee. But at the National Conference in Kampala, which immediately followed the NEC meeting, many members could not make out what the president, who is also the Movement chairman, meant when he said that his would not become a political party when the country returns to multiparty democracy. So why would he want to strengthen it? It is a scenario that many people from both camps dont quite understand.It might be surprising, but hardly unusual. How did it get to this point? It all started in 1986. Mr Museveni and his guerrillas of the National Resistance Army had toppled the government of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa. The president was sworn in and he immediately formed a government. The Movement was supposed to be all-inclusive, a government of national unity. The parties gave it the benefit of the doubt because it was a chaotic time in the country. UPC was nursing its own wounds. It retired to Uganda House. DP was excited that UPC was overthrown, said party member Mr Omara Atubo who was then Minister of State for Defence. Today, he is the MP for Otuke County. The Uganda Peoples Congress and the Democratic Parties were the main parties at the time.Immediately after taking power in January 1986, Mr Museveni issued a decree. It was called Legal Notice One of 1986. Under this the National Resistance Movement would form a government of national unity with all the parties represented. The interim government would last no more than four years. There was no immediate Gentlemans Agreement after take over from General Tito Okello. There was no elected parliament, Mr Atubo said. A four-year interim period: that was how the political parties saw the NRM. They looked forward to a peaceful situation in future where political parties could function. In this situation, they hoped, the NRM would also become a party. We were all dedicated to normalising the country. We looked at what type of government it would be after four years; [we knew] it was a multiparty competition, said Mr Atubo. Interim structure: Mr Njuba Mr Sam Njuba, a Movement historical right from the bush war and minister for Constitutional Affairs during the first nine years recalls: The Movement was a temporary arrangement. Nobody said it was a permanent arrangement, not even a system. It was not. It was an arrangement and they knew it would end in five years. Mr Njuba is now the vice-chairperson of the Reform Agenda, a splinter group of the Movement headed by exiled former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye. He however, believes that these early years served both the Movement and the DP well. The Movement wanted support. The DP on the other hand, feared it would not defeat UPC in a multiparty election at that point. It was a question of survival. UPC was already a black sheep. The DP was not sure if they
ugnet_: One day it was an interim govt, next a political system
One day it was an interim govt, next a political system By Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba April 2, 2003 A 17-year love-hate tango between Movement and the political parties The Movement says political parties brought the ban upon themselves; they were constituted along tribal and religious lines. Yoweri Museveni wanted a total ban on parties soon after he was sworn in as president in 1986. Eriya Kategaya, as National Political Commissar, tried to hold talks with parties to see how party operations could be regulated. Dr Kizza Besigye, as an army representative in NRC, moved a motion to extend the interim parliament and in effect Mr Musevenis government in one of the first manoeuvres that doomed the parties. Over the years, the cast seems to have remained the same, but the roles have changed. 17 years today, the players have been thrown on different paths but the issues just wont go away. And it all began with Legal Notice Number One of 1986 as Carol Alyek and Badru D. Mulumba report: - One main outcome from the National Conference meeting of Sunday and Monday is that it has thickened the suspicion between key players in the Movement and the multiparty camps. Even within the Movement ranks, loyalties were never a clear black or white, they were often tinted. You could read as much from Mr Musevenis remarks at the Movement National Executive Committee meeting at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi of 26 March. It was this underlying mistrust that Mr Museveni glossed over as he announced the freeing of political parties. NEC FRONT ROW: Left to right, Mr Godfrey Binaisa, Mr Kintu Musoke and Mr Jotham Tumwesigye at Kyankwanzi last week (PPU photo). The Movement will remain more or less as it is now, he said, but allow those who never welcomed pluralism in unity to go. We should unload them. President Museveni feels that this will strengthen the organisation as per the recommendations of the ad hoc committee set up in December 2001 to review calls by some key figures in the Movement that it was time to free political parties. The National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, chaired this committee. But at the National Conference in Kampala, which immediately followed the NEC meeting, many members could not make out what the president, who is also the Movement chairman, meant when he said that his would not become a political party when the country returns to multiparty democracy. So why would he want to strengthen it? It is a scenario that many people from both camps dont quite understand.It might be surprising, but hardly unusual. How did it get to this point? It all started in 1986. Mr Museveni and his guerrillas of the National Resistance Army had toppled the government of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa. The president was sworn in and he immediately formed a government. The Movement was supposed to be all-inclusive, a government of national unity. The parties gave it the benefit of the doubt because it was a chaotic time in the country. UPC was nursing its own wounds. It retired to Uganda House. DP was excited that UPC was overthrown, said party member Mr Omara Atubo who was then Minister of State for Defence. Today, he is the MP for Otuke County. The Uganda Peoples Congress and the Democratic Parties were the main parties at the time.Immediately after taking power in January 1986, Mr Museveni issued a decree. It was called Legal Notice One of 1986. Under this the National Resistance Movement would form a government of national unity with all the parties represented. The interim government would last no more than four years. There was no immediate Gentlemans Agreement after take over from General Tito Okello. There was no elected parliament, Mr Atubo said. A four-year interim period: that was how the political parties saw the NRM. They looked forward to a peaceful situation in future where political parties could function. In this situation, they hoped, the NRM would also become a party. We were all dedicated to normalising the country. We looked at what type of government it would be after four years; [we knew] it was a multiparty competition, said Mr Atubo. Interim structure: Mr Njuba Mr Sam Njuba, a Movement historical right from the bush war and minister for Constitutional Affairs during the first nine years recalls: The Movement was a temporary arrangement. Nobody said it was a permanent arrangement, not even a system. It was not. It was an arrangement and they knew it would end in five years. Mr Njuba is now the vice-chairperson of the Reform Agenda, a splinter group of the Movement headed by exiled former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye. He however, believes that these early years served both the Movement and the DP well. The Movement wanted support. The DP on the other hand, feared it would not defeat UPC in a multiparty election at that point. It was a question of survival. UPC was already a black sheep. The DP was not sure if they
ugnet_: Famous quotes from NEC, NC
Famous quotes from NEC, NC By Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda April 2, 2003 The Movement National Executive Committee sitting at National Leadership Institute Kyankwanzi on 26-28 March and Movement National Conference at the International Conference Centre, Kampala were willing to give Mr Museveni even what he had not asked for. Or had he? Officially, he wanted the Defence budget increased. They overwhelmingly supported him. He wanted to free political parties; nobody refused. When he spoke of lifting the two-term limits for a president he got more than he had bargained for: He had wanted a committee appointed to look into the matter, but the delegates preferred not to waste valuable time. He could have it. NEC and NC delegates speak - I love you Mr President and you are the only who can solve the problems of Karamoja. The people still love you Mr John Roberts Rex Aachila, MP for Jie County on third term. - The people of Lira want the Movement to remain the only system and they want you to rule forever Mr Sam Engola (Movement chairman, Lira district). - How come we keep losing to [Cecilia] Ogwal in Lira? Mr Engola responds by saying that the opposition rigs elections Mr Museveni. - Your Excellency, you should leave power when you are still loved. I love and that is why I am telling you. I dont fear you and I must tell you the truth. The Movement is no longer the original one. It was good for the first nine years but it degenerated with the 1996 elections. Kalangala Action Plan was there terrorising people in Mbarara and I had to ring Lt. Gen. Salim Saleh and other top military officers. There is violence now and corruption. It is we who are corrupt. There is lack of political will at the highest level to fight corruption. Parliament censures ministers and you appoint them to key positions. We dont respect institutions. When we are moving against corrupt people they appeal to you. I am now moving against a corrupt district chairman. Dont intervene. You should retire as a statesman. I dont want the Constitution to be changed. You must relinquish power when people still love you Ms Miria Matembe, Minister for Ethics and Integrity. - Some people are life MPs but they dont want us to lift the term limit Mr Bwambale Rujumba on behalf of UPDF veterans. - A good leader doesnt have an expiry date Mr Nasser Shaft Mukwaya, Youth representative. Our view was to remain with the Movement as the only system but since some members said we open up, political parties be given freedom but via a referendum. On third term: It should be open and let the people decide who to lead them through the vote Ms Agnes Obbo, National Women Council. 'The Movement is like a river. It is like the road coming from Jericho and Jerusalem. We dont want a limited term of office especially for you. We want you to continue, we shall give you. What about Democratic Party (DP) how long has Ssemogerere been there? The 17 years are like three years Rev. Fr. Peter Matovu. The term limit should be open after all there is an article which talks about the age limit Ms Florence Nayiga Ssekabira, PWD. The ban on parties should be lifted and Movement should left solid to compete with parties. The limit to presidential terms should be removed for the masses to decide Mr Santo Opio, private sector/business community. I helped all these parties from the 1940s. You are a wonderful military man. If I compare you with Amin, I give 95% and Amin 75%. Mr Bidandi Ssali and Mr Kirunda Kivejinga were expelled from UPC when they were youth. If there are people advocating for parties the two should not Mzee Daniel Odeke. The old man received not only Mr Musevenis handshake but the greatest applause and won a smile from First Lady Janat Kataha ** Some people call the third term a sad term but we still need your guidance Ms Namayanja Mariam Kiwanuka, Movement Media Mobilisation (ebimeeza) group. You have succeeded in taming the army, which had become an uncontrolled beast. I congratulate you upon making the army a professional one not of thugs and thieves.Multiparty supporters should not be allowed to form a coalition like NARC in Kenya Mr Godfrey Binaisa, former president. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words and actions of bad people but also for the appalling silence of good people". M.L.King Help STOP SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE*
ugnet_: BRITISH MILITARY CRITICAL OF US TROOPS
British Military Critical Of US Troops' Heavy-handed Style With CiviliansBy Richard Norton-Taylor and Rory McCarthy in Camp as Sayliyah, Qatar The Guardian - UK4-1-3 Cracks are appearing between British and American commanders which have serious implications for their future operations in Iraq. Senior British military officers on the ground are making it clear they are dismayed by the failure of US troops to try to fight the battle for hearts and minds. They also made plain they are appalled by reports over the weekend that US marines killed Iraqi civilians, including women and children, as they seized bridges outside Nassiriya in southern Iraq. "You can see why the Iraqis are not welcoming us with open arms," a senior defence source said yesterday. General Sir Mike Jackson, the head of the army, drove home the point at a press conference in London on Friday. "We have a very considerable hearts and minds challenge," he said, adding: "We are not interested in gratuitous violence." British and American troops "must convince the Iraqis of their good intentions", echoed Adam Ingram, the armed forces minister. It was not clear whether he was referring to any particular incident. Yesterday, British officers described the very different approach between UK and American soldiers by pointing to Uum Qasr, the Iraqi port south of Basra and the first urban area captured by US and UK marines. "Unlike the Americans, we took our helmets and sunglasses off and looked at the Iraqis eye to eye," said a British officer. While British soldiers "get out on their feet", Americans, he said, were reluctant to leave their armoured vehicles. When they did do so - and this was the experience even in Uum Qasr - US marines were ordered to wear their full combat kit. One difference emphasised yesterday by senior British military sources was the attitude towards "force protection". A defence source added: "The Americans put on more and more armour and firepower. The British go light and go on the ground." He made it plain what approach should be adopted towards what he called "frightened Iraqis". British defence sources contrast the patient tactics deployed by their troops around Basra and what they call the more brutal tactics used by American forces around Nassiriya. US marines in the southern Iraqi town appeared to have fired indiscriminately, with orders to shoot at civilian vehicles. One was reported to have knowingly killed an Iraqi civilian woman. According to reports from journalists and military spokesmen in the area, British troops - Royal Marines and the 7th Armoured Brigade, the Desert Rats - have played a patient, waiting game. An officer described it yesterday as "raid and aid" - a combination of raiding parties against specific targets such as local Ba'ath party leaders, and at the same time delivering aid to the local population. Unlike their American counterparts, British commanders have said they will not change their tactics following the suicide bombing attack last week on a group of US marines in Nassiriya. The British military put the difference in approach down to decades of training as well as experience - first in colonial insurgencies in Malaysia, then in Northern Ireland and peacekeeping operations in the Balkans. Experience "42 Commando's last tour was in Northern Ireland," Major Tim Cook of the Royal Marines said yesterday, referring to the unit now in Uum Qasr. Before that it was in Sierra Leone. Other commandos in southern Iraq had recently been based in Pristina, provincial capital of Kosovo. Sir Roger Wheeler, former head of the army, points to the "experience, awareness, and skill" - particularly important among non-commissioned officers such as corporals and sergeants. "British NCOs have the confidence," a senior officer echoed yesterday. What is striking is the emphasis senior British military figures are placing on the differences between their approach and that of the Americans on the ground. They have gone out of their way to draw attention to nervous, "trigger-happy" US soldiers. American commanders say they are getting the message. Brigadier General Vince
ugnet_: US TROOPS ACCUSED OF EXCESSES FORCE
US troops accused of excess force Steven MorrisTuesday April 1, 2003The Guardian Correspondents in Iraq have come upon a number of incidents in which the US military, especially the marines, have appeared to act with excessive force. Here are some examples. The bridge at Nassiriya After suffering heavy losses in the southern city of Nassiriya, US marines were ordered to fire at any vehicle which drove at American positions, Sunday Times reporter Mark Franchetti reported. He described how one night "we listened a dozen times as the machine guns opened fire, cutting through cars and trucks like paper". Next morning he said he saw 15 vehicles, including a mini-van and two lorries, riddled with bullet holes. He said he counted 12 dead civilians lying in the road or in nearby ditches. One man's body was still on fire. A girl aged no more than five lay dead in a ditch beside the body of a man who may have been her father. On the bridge an Iraqi civilian lay next to the carcass of a donkey. A father, baby girl and boy had been buried in a shallow grave. Franchetti said the civilians had been trying to leave the town, probably for fear of being killed by US helicopter attacks or heavy artillery. He wrote: "Their mistake had been to flee over a bridge that is crucial to the coalition's supply lines and to run into a group of shell-shocked young American marines with orders to shoot anything that moved." Cluster bombsA surgical assistant at the Saddam hospital in Nassiriya, Mustafa Mohammed Ali, told the Guardian's James Meek that US aircraft had dropped three or four cluster bombs on civilian areas in the city, killing 10 and wounding 200. He said he understood the US forces going straight to Baghdad to get rid of Saddam Hussein, but added: "I don't want forces to come into [this] city. They have an objective, they go straight to the target. There's no room in the hospital because of the wounded." When he saw the bodies of two dead marines, he revealed that he cheered silently. Meek also told the story of a 50-year-old businessman and farmer, Said Yagur, who said marines searched his house and took his son, Nathen, his Kalashnikov rifle and 3m dinars (about £500). The marines argued the money was probably destined for terrorist activities. After protests by the father, who rose up against Saddam Hussein after the last Gulf War and had his house shelled by the dictator's artillery, they let the son go and returned the gun and money. The road to BaghdadReporters have seen more than a dozen burnt-out buses and trucks and the bodies of at least 60 Iraqi men on the road north of Nassiriya. A photograph carried in the Guardian last week showed a bus which had been attacked by US troops. Bloodstained corpses lay nearby. Reuters journalist Sean Maguire said there were four bodies outside the bus and - according to the marines - 16 more inside. The Americans told him the dead men wore a mix of civilian and military clothing and were in possession of papers "that appeared to identify them as Republican Guard". But Brigadier General John Kelly admitted to Maguire: "We have very little time to decide if a truck or bus is going to be hostile." The reporter described the bullet-ridden bus and the bodies as "evidence of the ruthless efficiency with which lead marine units are clearing the road north of Nassiriya to make way for a military convoy". ExuberanceA British officer was alarmed when the American marines who were escorting him through the port of Umm Qasr let loose a volley of rifle fire at a house on the outskirts of town. The officer told Reuters reporter David Fox: "They said they had been sniped out from there a few days ago so they like to give them a warning every now and then. That is something we [the British] would never condone." A US special forces officer said it was sometimes difficult to contain the exuberance of men doing the actual fighting. "You got to realise these guys are single-minded in their training. It's look after yourself and your buddies. How do we know who the enemy is?" The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni Uganda is in Anarchy" Le groupe de transmission de Mulindwas " avec Yoweri Museveni, Ouganda est dans anarchy "
