[Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II
contd. The President's Secretary responded to Obote's accusations on 4th March 1966 and questioned why the Prime Minister did not specify which foreign diplomats had been asked to send troops. He reminded the Prime Minister that while on his Northern tour, serious allegations concerning plans to overthrow the Constitution had been made in Parliament and that on his return, the Prime Minister himself had acknowledged the great alarm, especially in Kampala, caused by the movement of troops which Obote himself had authorized earlier without informing the President. Connection was made between this illegal training of troops and the truck loads of arms and ammunition impounded by the Kenyan government the year before. The response further stated that In the circumstances, precautionary requests had to be made should the situation get out of hand. The safety of the nation was at stake. The President did not invite foreign troops to invade this country. The precautionary requests were conditional and did not precipitate anything. The answer further reminded the Prime Minister that during the army mutiny in 1964, he had called in British troops without informing the President who was both Head of State and Commander-in-Chief until Sir Edward demanded to be given the necessary information. Concerning the dereliction of duty accusations, the Secretary to the President stated, and I quote: As to failure to sign the two Acts, section 67 of the Constitution provides, in part, that if the President declines to perform an act as required by the Constitution, the Prime Minister may himself perform that act. In his capacity as Kabaka of Buganda and President of Uganda, Sir Edward Mutesa was put in a most invidious position over the question of the Referendum. The two Counties, the subject of the Referendum, formed part of the Kingdom of Buganda. The Prime Minister was quite aware of this quandary himself and he agreed to follow the procedures laid down in section 67 and signed the Acts. The section envisaged such a situation. It was constitutional for the President to have declined as he did. The same was true for the official opening of the session of Parliament. The Constitution did not provide that the President MUST (emphasis mine) perform the opening of each and every session. It envisaged occasions where the Vice-President could perform functions should the President be unable to do so. This was one such occasion. All of this shows that Obote was just trying to find petty reasons for carrying out his unconstitutional acts. Another problem was that the President had no access to the mass media which was a monopoly of Obote and his government. So while Obote could reach a lot of people, Sir Edward could only depend on the mercy of the press which was also not quite free. But on 4th March 1966 the President managed to break his silence and published two letters he had written to the Prime Minister on 28th February 1966 and 3rd March 1966. The first one read in part: This is to inform you that your public statements of 22nd and 24th February, 1966, have caused me much anxiety especially as you have not informed me of them as you are required by the Constitution. He goes on to inform Obote that his taking over of all powers of the Government of Uganda was contrary to the Constitution, which is the supreme law of the land and that the suspension of the Constitution was unconstitutional. I'll quote the rest of it in full in order to do full justice to the message: I have allowed plenty of time to elapse before writing to you in the hope that after careful thought you would find your way to retracting these unconstitutional acts. I had hoped that your advisers would point it out to you that the course you were pursuing might cause instability in the country, a situation which we are all striving to avoid. Now that the dark clouds continue to mount in the very lives of the people of this country, I feel I am in duty bound to ask you to stay your hand, and to desist from continuing with the procedures against Government personnel, especially those who are commissioned to serve me. Our first duty is to the people of this country. The people decided in their great wisdom that the best way to serve them is through the means laid down in the Constitution which they themselves made. Once again, I earnestly appeal to you to adhere strictly to the Constitution in order to remove this overhanging uneasiness which cannot be conducive to peace, good order and the counrty's prosperity. It is clear from the above that Sir Edward still thought he could be civil in his dealings with Obote. ..more later. _ Express yourself instantly with MSN Messenger! Download today it's FREE! http://messenger.msn.click-url.com/go/onm00200471ave/direct/01/ ___
[Ugnet] Meeting Uganda's master tactician
Meeting Uganda's master tactician By Mike Wooldridge BBC world affairs correspondent, Kampala Yoweri Museveni seized power in Uganda in 1986 with a pledge that this was "no mere change of guards" - that Uganda was in for fundamental change. Mike Wooldridge interviews Yoweri Museveni in 1986He remains Uganda's leader 19 years on and there could now be another presidential term in prospect. His critics suggest this flies in the face of his promise that he would provide a different kind of African leadership. He insists that he has. I was in Kampala when Mr Museveni and his guerrilla force, the National Resistance Army, took over after a four-year bush war. We had badgered our way into Uganda from neighbouring Tanzania and had an "escort" of the NRA's youthful soldiers as we sped from the border to Kampala. The greatest toll of the conflict had been in rural areas where government soldiers confronted the rebels - civilians caught in the middle paid a heavy price. We were to discover just how heavy when we travelled to these areas and were shown piles of skulls and talked to those who had often only narrowly escaped with their lives, including women and girls who had been repeatedly raped. That - and a decade of the brutality of the Idi Amin regime beforehand - was the background against which Yoweri Museveni came to power in the nation known as the "Pearl of Africa". Plans for presidency When I interviewed him at that time, he said Uganda had been plagued by intrigue, subterfuge and power-seeking politicians. Your questions for Yoweri Museveni He wanted to unite Uganda and rid it of sectarianism. Yoweri Museveni was in military uniform for that interview and it took place in a capital city that bore the evidence of recent fighting. Kampala may now have been in Mr Museveni's hands but the NRA was yet to secure the north. He said they would do so "in a short while". Today there is still conflict in the north, severely scarring the landscape of a country that has otherwise seen a significant return to stability. The notorious tactics employed by the Lord's Resistance Army - especially the abduction of children as fighters and sex slaves - have kept the population of a large swathe of northern Uganda living in fear. I have just spent several days in parts of Uganda consumed much less by this unending conflict than by the politics surrounding the presidency. Parliament appears to be on the way to lifting the present two-term limit, which means that Mr Museveni could stand again when his current term expires next year. Critics charge that he wants to be president-for-life. Military tactician Speaking on the BBC's Talking Point programme, Mr Museveni was adamantly non-committal about his own continuing ambitions, putting his fate in the hands of the political movement that currently runs the country and in the hands of the people. Idi Amin left a legacy of brutality in Uganda Uganda is now three weeks away from a referendum on whether to return to multi-party politics - a move Mr Museveni is backing. Sitting opposite him, I was taken back to the various encounters with him when he was a guerrilla commander newly-turned president. He would talk as the tactician, someone steeped in the history of military conflicts. It remains a mystery to me why such a strategist has not succeeded in bringing the northern conflict to an end, though he lays the blame largely on external factors. At this moment, his people - and the world - are watching the strategy he pursues to take Uganda into a new political age. __Do You Yahoo!?Tired of spam? Yahoo! Mail has the best spam protection around http://mail.yahoo.com ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Niccolo Machiavelli Visits Kyankwanzi
Niccolo Machiavelli Visits Kyankwanzi Email This Page Print This Page VisitThePublisher'sSite The Monitor (Kampala) OPINIONJuly 3, 2005 Posted to the web July 4, 2005 Izama AngeloKampala One wonders what Niccolo Di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (1469-1526) would say if he were invited say by the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi to give a talk on " Uganda: The politics of achieving a smooth transition from Museveni to Museveni". At the main event, the special guest would be the President himself, complete with at least 400 men at arms, his mobile kitchen and launderette, aides, guards, speech writers, press corps, chair lifters, standby doctor, standby chopper, escorting Ministers and members of the Movement Secretariat, a Mary Karoro Okurut, a Charles Bakabulindi and an occasional Nobert Mao for effect. Machiavelli, who has been keenly following events in Uganda, is impressed by his host President Yoweri Museveni. You see, the Italian, who we have brought back to life here, is considered the father of political science. His book, The Prince (1532), is the document responsible for the now infamous phrase: The end justifies the means. He looks around at the display of power and authority and smiles, wondering if Museveni is not really an Italian name from his native city of Florence. In The Prince, Machiavelli had written that the real purpose of political power is to maintain and extend itself and that all means may be resorted to for the establishment and preservation of authority. The Italian also wrote that the worst and most treacherous acts of the ruler are justified by the wickedness and treachery of the governed. Power had little to do, he said, with the welfare of the people, except as a means of keeping control of those who are ruled. It had less to do with ideology or right and wrong, unless these were related to the strategy, which keeps power in the hands of rulers. Time to make an impression on his speech-loving audience and the famous thinker stands up, walks to the podium and begins. "Ladies and Gentlemen, I am impressed that against the odds of the 1960s, 70s and 80s, you have managed to keep this enterprise running. I particularly congratulate Mr Museveni for being as good a student of my own thinking as any I could have hoped for. Thank you for inviting me here today to speak on the subject of transiting from Museveni to Museveni". His audience claps politely and so he proceeds: "Power is about one's ability to effectively influence others to do one's bidding. If there are problems generated in the transition from Yoweri to Yoweri they come as the price of Museveni's success through the years of stamping his will on people and events. To sustain his power Museveni has checked the influence of others, dismantled potential alliances against him, fractured some, amputated others, and within the present term uprooted dissenting voices like that of former comrade Kategeya and Bidandi Ssali, soldiers Muntu and Besigye, who felt alienated as they lost their influence and have now jumped ship. Today our challenge is to evaluate the costs of sustaining Museveni's influence beyond his next term and examine the basis for this measurement", Satisfied that he is making progress, Machiavelli pauses, looks around and continues: "As we reflect on this, please remember that if there is any law that is fundamental to political survival, it is that political strategy must be based on the principle that your actions are determined by the outcome desired and nothing else. Please never forget this because Museveni has mastered it, which is why he is the president today. You could say that Yoweri has since 1986, been the driving force behind the functional cohesion in the country, the man with a vision of Uganda, while what all of you have is a vision of him". Laughter. Laughter. Over the next hour Machiavelli argues that the extension of Museveni's power will depend on the unity of purpose behind his several power bases. He points out that Museveni's supporters identify with what they can get from their vote. Relevant Links East Africa Uganda "Because the opposition has less to offer electoral colleges, they have been robbed of any advantage over Museveni since without alternative offers, most voters will keep what they have, following grandmother's wisdom that a bird in the hand is better than three in the bush," Machiavelli continued. " But here lies the challenge in sustaining support for Museveni. Since it depends on what is being doled out, the issue for various groups will be how much they have received and how they can increase their share. This issue has come forward recently with allegations of a cabinet mafia controlling the rations." Discover Yahoo! Use Yahoo! to plan a weekend, have fun online & more. Check it out!___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet %
[Ugnet] Fire Burns 152 Houses in Kalangala
Fire Burns 152 Houses in Kalangala Email This Page Print This Page VisitThePublisher'sSite The Monitor (Kampala) July 3, 2005 Posted to the web July 4, 2005 Isa AligaKalangala Property was lost on Sunday when fire burnt buildings at Kitobo landing site, Kyamuswa county in Kalangala district. The LC1 chairman, Mr Sam Lwagonza, said the fire was sparked off by a candle at about 4.00am and burnt about 152 structures. "The fire could have been caused by a candle in a wooden house, where two jerrycans of petrol were being kept by a fisherman," Lwagonza said. "At the time the fire engulfed the structures, most of the fishermen had gone fishing," Lwagonza said. Relevant Links East Africa Urban Issues and Habitation Uganda Lwagonza said some people from the neighbouring villages took advantage to loot some property. "They ferried the loot on boats to Lambu and Bukasa landing site." He appealed to the government for help Yahoo! Sports Rekindle the Rivalries. Sign up for Fantasy Football ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] RDC Petitions Museveni Over Wakiso Land Wrangles
RDC Petitions Museveni Over Wakiso Land Wrangles Email This Page Print This Page VisitThePublisher'sSite The Monitor (Kampala) July 3, 2005 Posted to the web July 4, 2005 James BakunziWakiso The Wakiso Resident District Commissioner, Mr Francis Mukoome, has petitioned President Yoweri Museveni to intervene in the escalating land wrangles in the district. He told Daily Monitor on June 26 that the rate at which the bibanja owners (squatters) are being evicted by investors was worrying. "I have already asked his excellency the president to intervene in these increasing land wrangles because most peasants will begin to hate the government. This eviction causes conflicts," the RDC said. Mukoome said the president should consider providing legal assistance to such people because they are too poor to seek legal redress against errant landlords. He cited a case in Katabi sub-county where a number of people were made homeless after their crops and houses were destroyed by an investor whom the landlord sold the land. Relevant Links East Africa Uganda Food, Agriculture and Rural Issues Legal and Judicial Affairs Mukoome said lack of enough land tribunals was a major problem affecting the district. He warned investors against evicting people without compensating them. He said it appears the investors are blackmailing the government. Yahoo! Sports Rekindle the Rivalries. Sign up for Fantasy Football ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Kalema
Greetings Brother, Was wondering if you have any information or personal observations on William Kalema. I am working on something regarding this so called Debt Relief for Africa and part of what i'll looking at is the Commission on Africa, which includes a handful of Africans on it. Doing some scan on some of them predictably led to obvious conclusions but i still want to be as detailed as possible. Forward to Liberation, DjasiVukoni Lupa-Lasaga [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: Original Message Subject: [oaba-b] Luther Vandross dies at age 54Date: Fri, 1 Jul 2005 21:00:56 -0700From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]CC: [EMAIL PROTECTED]Luther Vandross dies at age 54*Famed RB crooner faced setback after stroke in 2003*The Associated PressUpdated: 7:53 p.m. ET July 1, 2005Grammy award winner Luther Vandross, whose deep, lush voice on such hits as Here and Now and Any Love sold more than 25 million albums while providing the romantic backdrop for millions of couples worldwide, died Friday. He was 54.Vandross died at John F. Kennedy Medical Center in Edison, N.J., said hospital spokesman Rob Cavanaugh. He did not release the cause of death but said in a statement that Vandross never really recovered from a st roke two years ago.Since the stroke in his Manhattan home on April 16, 2003, the RB crooner stopped making public appearances but amazingly managed to continue his recording career. In 2004, he captured four Grammys as a sentimental favorite, including best song for the bittersweet Dance With My Father.Vandross, who was still in a wheelchair at the time, delivered a videotaped thank you.Remember, when I say goodbye its never for long, said a weak-looking Vandross. Because he broke into his familiar hit I believe in the power of love.Vandross also battled weight problems for years while suffering from diabetes and hypertension.He was arguably the most celebrated RB balladeer of his generation. He made women swoon with his silky yet forceful tenor, which he often revved up like a motor engine before reaching his beautiful crescendos.*A huge loss*Jeff OConner, Vandross publicist, called his death a huge loss in the RB industry. He was a close friend of mine and right now its shocking.OConner said he received condolence calls Friday from music luminaries such as Aretha Franklin, Patti LaBelle, Michael Jackson and Quincy Jones.Vandross was a four-time Grammy winner in the best male RB performance category, taking home the trophy in 1990 for the single Here and Now, in 1991 for his album Power of Love, in 1996 for the track Your Secret Love and a last time for Dance With My Father.The album, with its single of the same name, debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard charts while Vandross remained hospitalized from his stroke. It was the first time a Vandross album had topped the charts in its first week of release.In 2005, he was nominated for a Soul Train Music Award for a duet with Beyonce on The Closer I Get To You.Vandross sound was so unusual few tried to copy it; even fewer could.Im proud of that its one of the things that Im most proud of, he told The Associated Press in a 2001 interview. I was never compared to anyone in terms of sound.Vandross style harkened back to a more genteel era of crooning. While many of his contemporaries and successors belted out tunes that were sexually charged and explicit, Vandross preferred soft pillow talk and songs that spoke to heartfelt emotions.Im more into poetry and metaphor, and I would much rather imply something rather than to blatantly state it, he said. You blatantly state stuff sometimes when you cant think of a a poetic way to say it.A career in music seemed predestined for the New York native; both his parents were singers, and his sister, Patricia, was part of a 1950s group called the Crests.But he happily toiled in the musical background for years before he would have his first hit. He wrote songs for projects as varied as a David Bowie album (Fascination) and the Broadway musical The Wiz (Everybody Rejoice (Brand New Day)), sang backup for acts such as Donna Summer and Barbra Streisand, and even became a leading commercial jingle singer.Vandross credited singer Roberta Flack for prodding him to move into the spotlight after listening to one of his future hits, Never Too Much.She started crying, he recalled. She said, No, youre getting too comfortable (in the background). ... Im going to introduce you to some people and get your career started.Vandross first big hit came as the lead vocalist for the group Change, with their 1980 hit, The Glow of Love. That led to a recording contract with Epic Records, and in 1981, he made his solo recording debut with the disc Never Too Much. The album, which contained his aching rendition of A House is Not a Home, became an instant classic.Over the years, Vandross would emerge as the leading romantic singer of his
Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II
I must thank all those learned or educated or informed persons who have lead us to believe that Uganda is about Obote and Mutesa. Thank you for having a mind that allows other dictators to emerge in Uganda using the same protocol and procedures. And thank you for creating grounds for great upheavals in the country. Onegi pa Obol -- jonah kasangwawo [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: contd. The President's Secretary responded to Obote's accusations on 4th March 1966 and questioned why the Prime Minister did not specify which foreign diplomats had been asked to send troops. He reminded the Prime Minister that while on his Northern tour, serious allegations concerning plans to overthrow the Constitution had been made in Parliament and that on his return, the Prime Minister himself had acknowledged the great alarm, especially in Kampala, caused by the movement of troops which Obote himself had authorized earlier without informing the President. Connection was made between this illegal training of troops and the truck loads of arms and ammunition impounded by the Kenyan government the year before. The response further stated that In the circumstances, precautionary requests had to be made should the situation get out of hand. The safety of the nation was at stake. The President did not invite foreign troops to invade this country. The precautionary requests were conditional and did not precipitate anything. The answer further reminded the Prime Minister that during the army mutiny in 1964, he had called in British troops without informing the President who was both Head of State and Commander-in-Chief until Sir Edward demanded to be given the necessary information. Concerning the dereliction of duty accusations, the Secretary to the President stated, and I quote: As to failure to sign the two Acts, section 67 of the Constitution provides, in part, that if the President declines to perform an act as required by the Constitution, the Prime Minister may himself perform that act. In his capacity as Kabaka of Buganda and President of Uganda, Sir Edward Mutesa was put in a most invidious position over the question of the Referendum. The two Counties, the subject of the Referendum, formed part of the Kingdom of Buganda. The Prime Minister was quite aware of this quandary himself and he agreed to follow the procedures laid down in section 67 and signed the Acts. The section envisaged such a situation. It was constitutional for the President to have declined as he did. The same was true for the official opening of the session of Parliament. The Constitution did not provide that the President MUST (emphasis mine) perform the opening of each and every session. It envisaged occasions where the Vice-President could perform functions should the President be unable to do so. This was one such occasion. All of this shows that Obote was just trying to find petty reasons for carrying out his unconstitutional acts. Another problem was that the President had no access to the mass media which was a monopoly of Obote and his government. So while Obote could reach a lot of people, Sir Edward could only depend on the mercy of the press which was also not quite free. But on 4th March 1966 the President managed to break his silence and published two letters he had written to the Prime Minister on 28th February 1966 and 3rd March 1966. The first one read in part: This is to inform you that your public statements of 22nd and 24th February, 1966, have caused me much anxiety especially as you have not informed me of them as you are required by the Constitution. He goes on to inform Obote that his taking over of all powers of the Government of Uganda was contrary to the Constitution, which is the supreme law of the land and that the suspension of the Constitution was unconstitutional. I'll quote the rest of it in full in order to do full justice to the message: I have allowed plenty of time to elapse before writing to you in the hope that after careful thought you would find your way to retracting these unconstitutional acts. I had hoped that your advisers would point it out to you that the course you were pursuing might cause instability in the country, a situation which we are all striving to avoid. Now that the dark clouds continue to mount in the very lives of the people of this country, I feel I am in duty bound to ask you to stay your hand, and to desist from continuing with the procedures against Government personnel, especially those who are commissioned to serve me. Our first duty is to the people of this country. The people decided in their great wisdom that the best way to serve them is through the means laid down in the Constitution which they themselves made. Once again, I earnestly appeal to you to adhere strictly to the Constitution in order to remove this overhanging uneasiness which cannot be conducive to peace, good order and the counrty's prosperity. It is
