Re: [Ugnet] Kalema
Hello Bro Djassi, The name William Kalema sounds faintly familiar but if you have time to spare, give me a day or two and you'll have the 411 on him. The personal Web site of George Monbiot, a British social justice activist is a good resource for progressive struggle in as much as he exposes the flanks of Anglo-American imperialism. Check it out if you have the time: www.monbiot.com. In a humble way, I have also resumed writing for The Monitor in Kampala. My column, Third Eye Open appears on Tuesdays. I have decided that the political and social transition in Uganda is too crucial for us to leave in the hands of opportunists and short-sighted fortune hunters. Take a look at my stuff and tell me what you think. All the best. vukoni Bandele Djassi wrote: Greetings Brother, Was wondering if you have any information or personal observations on William Kalema. I am working on something regarding this so called Debt Relief for Africa and part of what i'll looking at is the Commission on Africa, which includes a handful of Africans on it. Doing some scan on some of them predictably led to obvious conclusions but i still want to be as detailed as possible. Forward to Liberation, Djasi */Vukoni Lupa-Lasaga <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>/* wrote: Original Message Subject: [oaba-b] Luther Vandross dies at age 54 Date: Fri, 1 Jul 2005 21:00:56 -0700 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] CC: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Luther Vandross dies at age 54 *Famed R&B crooner faced setback after stroke in 2003* The Associated Press Updated: 7:53 p.m. ET July 1, 2005 Grammy award winner Luther Vandross, whose deep, lush voice on such hits as “Here and Now” and “Any Love” sold more than 25 million albums while providing the romantic backdrop for millions of couples worldwide, died Friday. He was 54. Vandross died at John F. Kennedy Medical Center in Edison, N.J., said hospital spokesman Rob Cavanaugh. He did not release the cause of death but said in a statement that Vandross “never really recovered from” a st roke two years ago. Since the stroke in his Manhattan home on April 16, 2003, the R&B crooner stopped making public appearances — but amazingly managed to continue his recording career. In 2004, he captured four Grammys as a sentimental favorite, including best song for the bittersweet “Dance With My Father.” Vandross, who was still in a wheelchair at the time, delivered a videotaped thank you. “Remember, when I say goodbye it’s never for long,” said a weak-looking Vandross. “Because” — he broke into his familiar hit — “I believe in the power of love.” Vandross also battled weight problems for years while suffering from diabetes and hypertension. He was arguably the most celebrated R&B balladeer of his generation. He made women swoon with his silky yet forceful tenor, which he often revved up like a motor engine before reaching his beautiful crescendos. *‘A huge loss’* Jeff O’Conner, Vandross ’ publicist, called his death “a huge loss in the R&B industry. He was a close friend of mine and right now it’s shocking.” O’Conner said he received condolence calls Friday from music luminaries such as Aretha Franklin, Patti LaBelle, Michael Jackson and Quincy Jones. Vandross was a four-time Grammy winner in the best male R&B performance category, taking home the trophy in 1990 for the single “Here and Now,” in 1991 for his album “Power of Love,” in 1996 for the track “Your Secret Love” and a last time for “Dance With My Father.” The album, with its single of the same name, debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard charts while Vandross remained hospitalized from his stroke. It was the first time a Vandross album had topped the charts in its first week of release. In 2005, he was nominated for a Soul Train Music Award for a duet with Beyonce on “The Closer I Get To You.” Vandross’ sound was so unusual few tried to copy it; even fewer could. “I’m proud of that — it’s one of the things that I’m most proud of,” he told The Associated Press in a 2001 interview. “I was never compared to anyone in terms of sound.” Vandross’ style harkened back to a more genteel era of crooning. While many of his contemporaries and successors belted out tunes that were sexually charged and explicit, Vandross preferred soft pillow talk and songs that spoke to heartfelt emotions. “I’m more into poetry and metaphor, and I would much rather imply something rather than to blatantly state it,” he said. “You blatantly state stuff sometimes when you can’t think of a a poetic way to say it.” A career in music seemed predestined for the New York native; both his parents were singers, and his
[Ugnet] Kisanja Threatens EA Unity
Kisanja threatens EA unity Monitor Team KAMPALA TANZANIA is getting increasingly apprehensive over Uganda's move to amend its Constitution and abolish presidential term limits, a move that could jeopardise harmony in the East African Community and make the attainment of a political federation a pipe dream. The national parliament in the political capital of Dodoma was last week asked to reconsider Tanzania's position on the community if it means partnering with Uganda. The neighbouring country's independent media have also started questioning Uganda's suitability as a regional economic partner and part of a future political union. Moshi Urban MP Philemon Ndesamburo said Tanzania should withdraw from the East African Community (EAC) to "protect its credibility" after a Bill that would give President Yoweri Museveni the green light to vie for athird elective term when his current mandate expires next year passed the first stage in the Ugandan Parliament last week. "Tanzania should not co-operate with an undemocratic country that wants to have a president for life," Ndesamburo charged. "We are respected the world over as a democratic country that upholds the principles of democracy and good governance. We should protect this honour at all costs even if it means quitting EAC."The MP argued that Tanzania would lose its credibility if it co-operated with undemocratic and dictatorial governments. EAC is made up of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Ndesamburo, who made the call in his contribution to the 2005/2006 budget estimates for the Office of the President, was widely reported in the Tanzanian media, which have followed up the matter with several commentaries calling on President Museveni not to endanger the EAC by clinging onto power. Mkapa’s secret visitBut even before the MP spoke out, there were clear indications that President Benjamin Mkapa and his apparent successor, Jakaya Kikwete, were opposed to Uganda's attempts to amend the Constitution to remove term limits. Mkapa travelled to Uganda earlier this year for a private meeting at which he is reported to have told Museveni to abandon the plans of amending the Constitution and retire at the end of his current and last term. Kikwete, a close friend of former First Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya, who fell out with Museveni over his opposition to the term limits amendment, has also privately expressed outrage at the Ugandan leadership's decision to amend the Constitution.The Tanzanians have reportedly said Museveni is "ashaming African leaders" by manipulating the Constitution in order to extend his stay. Reports that the Tanzanians are developing cold feet over the East African political union because of Museveni's apparent bid to stay in power beyond his current constitutional mandate will be unsettling for the president, who has privately told confidants that one of the reasons why he wants to carry on is to achieve his long dream of East African federation. Museveni said in an interview with Kfm on Sunday that the East African political union was one of the things he had not accomplished in his last 19 years. But in Kampala, the State Minister for Regional Cooperation, Mr. Augustine Nshimye, said the East African federation was in the interest of the entire region and had no relationship with Uganda's move to lift presidential term limits. He said even if Uganda's Constitution is amended to remove term limits, Museveni might not be in power in 2013, when the political federation is expected to start. "If Museveni contests for another term, it has no harm on the federation, and should not be a cause for alarm to other East African countries," Nshimye said. He said when East Africans go for full political federation, there will be general elections to determine the head of the federation. Nshimye said, "Assuming the people of East Africa choose Museveni, what would be wrong with that?" But the growing view in Tanzania appears to be that the dream of political federation would rather wait than play into the hands of Museveni, "who has shown no respect for his country's Constitution." Museveni studied at the University of Dar es Salaam and lived in Tanzania for many years, benefiting from the direct political tutelage of the country's first president, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Museveni was commander of one of the Ugandan fighting forces, Fronasa, that joined the Tanzanian army in its war to remove Idi Amin from October 1978 to April 197
Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II
Kasangwawo If all your reasoning and explanation end up in "What an asshole !" how do you think this is going to convince people to see what a brilliant historian you are? Tell us what you think about the constitution as it affects the current people in Uganda and what you will do to protect it and how you will do it. Also tell us what you expect from us your listeners so we can respond approriately. What you claim to be history or facts seem to be your wishes and expectations. It does not absolve you from being an ordinary Ugandan subject to the constitution. History may be good but now is better. Are you trying to relive history? If so, how can your reader or contributors to your message become assholes? It is because of such people like you that Uganda is going astray! You have the guns and you can not talk development but history and everymorning your are borrowing money from overseas to prevent Obote from returning to Uganda. Yours is too much Kasangwawo. Onegi pa obol -- "jonah kasangwawo" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: Onegi pa Obol, I don't know how you came to the conclusion that my intention is to create "grounds for great upheavals in the country" ! All I am attempting to do is to give you the facts of our History, so we can all learn from it. I am not encouraging dictators to use the same mean tricks Obote used then, on the contrary I abhor them. But as the situation stands today, it seems we haven't learnt from that History. You may think that Obote is infallible but the fact is that he set the example for taking over power using the military which was the beginning of the troubles we are still experiencing today. If you can't see the glaring similarities - Congo, messing with the Constitution, etc. - I'm sorry I can't simplify for you farther than that. What an asshole ! Kasangwawo >From: "[EMAIL PROTECTED]" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Reply-To: ugandanet@kym.net >To: ugandanet@kym.net >Subject: Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II >Date: Tue, 5 Jul 2005 04:41:07 GMT > > >I must thank all those learned or educated or informed persons who have >lead us to believe that Uganda is about Obote and Mutesa. >Thank you for having a mind that allows other dictators to emerge in Uganda >using the same protocol and procedures. And thank you for creating grounds >for great upheavals in the country. > >Onegi pa Obol > >-- "jonah kasangwawo" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: >contd. > >The President's Secretary responded to Obote's accusations on 4th March >1966 >and questioned why the Prime Minister did not specify which foreign >diplomats had been asked to send troops. He reminded the Prime Minister >that >while on his Northern tour, serious allegations concerning plans to >overthrow the Constitution had been made in Parliament and that on his >return, the Prime Minister himself had acknowledged the great alarm, >especially in Kampala, caused by the movement of troops which Obote himself >had authorized earlier without informing the President. Connection was made >between this illegal training of troops and the truck loads of arms and >ammunition impounded by the Kenyan government the year before. > >The response further stated that "In the circumstances, precautionary >requests had to be made should the situation get out of hand. The safety of >the nation was at stake. The President did not invite foreign troops to >invade this country". The precautionary requests were conditional and did >not precipitate anything. The answer further reminded the Prime Minister >that during the army mutiny in 1964, he had called in British troops >without >informing the President who was both Head of State and Commander-in-Chief >until Sir Edward demanded to be given the necessary information. > >Concerning the dereliction of duty accusations, the Secretary to the >President stated, and I quote: > >"As to failure to sign the two Acts, section 67 of the Constitution >provides, in part, that if the President "declines" to perform an act as >required by the Constitution, the Prime Minister may himself perform that >act. In his capacity as Kabaka of Buganda and President of Uganda, Sir >Edward Mutesa was put in a most invidious position over the question of the >Referendum. The two Counties, the subject of the Referendum, formed part of >the Kingdom of Buganda. The Prime Minister was quite aware of this quandary >himself and he agreed to follow the procedures laid down in section 67 and >signed the Acts. The section envisaged such a situation. It was >constitutional for the President to have declined as he did". > >The same was true for the official opening of the session of Parliament. >The >Constitution did not provide that the President MUST (emphasis mine) >perform >the opening of each and every session. It envisaged occasions where the >Vice-President could perform functions should the President be unable to do >so. This was one such occasion. All of this shows that Obote was just >trying
[Ugnet] FDC distances itself from political transition process
FDC distances itself from political transition process Hussein Bogere KAMPALA THE opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) has distanced itself from the ongoing political transition process insisting that it is a fragrant conspiracy against democracy in Uganda, serving no other purpose other than entrenching a Museveni hegemony in our country. The statement is contained in a communication from Dr Chris Kibuuka, FDC External Coordinator for South Africa to the partys acting chairperson Ms Salaam Musumba, a copy of which Daily Monitor saw. Musumba, also MP for Bugabula South, told Daily Monitor yesterday: In the South African meeting, we agreed to defy anything that is illegitimate. We are aware that their communication is in line with our resolution. According to the communication, the position was reached in a meeting in South Africa that we didnt recognise any transitional laws as enacted by the 7th Parliament. Besigye attendedThe FDC leadership met in Johannesburg, South Africa last month in an extra ordinary meeting called by its exiled leader Col. Dr Kizza Besigye. The meeting among others resolved to defy government through civil disobedience as a way of expressing their feeling against what they called a dictatorial regime. We have learnt of actions of the 7th Parliament manipulated and stage managed by President Yoweri Museveni and Cabinet, which virtually culminated in defiling of article 105(2) of the Ugandan Constitution 1995. The article restricts presidential term limits to two, and is one of those proposed for amendment. Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Mail - You care about security. So do we.___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] The Other side of the millennium Quote
Woman's vital needs are the same as man's: food, water, and access to equality. How much free photo storage do you get? Store your holiday snaps for FREE with Yahoo! Photos. Get Yahoo! Photos___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] Quote of the millennium
"Man's vital needs include food, water, and access to females" (Quoted in Martyna, 1978). Yahoo! Messenger NEW - crystal clear PC to PC calling worldwide with voicemail ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] AMERICAN BOMBINGS KILLED CIVILIANS
US Bombing Kills Afghan VillagersBy Declan Walsh in Islamabad The Guardian - UK7-5-5 A second American soldier stranded in Afghanistan's eastern mountains was close to safety yesterday as his superiors admitted that civilians died in a "precision" US bombing raid as part of the rescue mission. After parrying questions for days about last Friday's air strike against a village in Kunar province, the US military said in a statement that both "enemy terrorists" and civilians had been killed, and expressed regret. It gave no casualty estimates. But the Kunar governor, Asadullah Wafa, said 17 villagers, including women and children, had died - news that may further inflame Afghan sensitivities about heavy-handed US tactics. The bombing was part of a troubled operation to rescue a small team of navy seals - special forces troops trained to operate behind enemy lines - who called for help after coming under attack a week ago. On Sunday one soldier from the team, which is believed to be four strong, was rescued by US forces and flown to Germany for medical treatment, according to media reports. A second wounded soldier was found yesterday by Afghans and was sheltering in a house in a remote part, Mr Wafa said. "Villagers have him and are treating him for wounds. But the soldier has not been handed over as yet," he told Reuters. "Our troops are trying to reach the place. He is safe and there is no danger to his life. This is a very difficult terrain: big trees and mountains." Last night, however, a US defence department official disputed the claim of a second survivor, telling the New York Times that Mr Wafa had been mistakenly referring to the soldier rescued at the weekend. "What we have here is a time lag in the reporting," he said The US military shifted some of the blame for the civilian deaths on to the insurgents. "When enemy forces move their families into the locations where they conduct terrorist operations, they put these innocent civilians at risk," a spokesman said. There was no word of the other two seals last night as hundreds of US and Afghan troops combed the area. "We hold every hope for those who are still missing," said Lieutenant Colonel Jerry O'Hara, a military spokesman in Kabul. Last week a Taliban spokesman, Abdul Latif Hakimi, claimed that insurgents had killed six US soldiers and taken a seventh hostage, but he has failed to provide promised proof of the abduction. The rescue mission has proved America's most costly since toppling the Taliban in 2001. A helicopter sent to pull out the reconnaissance patrol last Tuesday was shot down, apparently by a Taliban-fired rocket-propelled grenade, killing all 16 soldiers on board. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005 http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1521426,00.html The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
[Ugnet] People are Chess pieces in NRMspeak
Daily Monitor, July 6, 2005 People are chess pieces in NRM speak P. Matsiko wa Mucoori Kampala When Napoleon, the leader of Animal Farm, was metamorphosing into a dictator, he said he was following the farm's constitution which had been reduced into Seven Commandments. To justify the liquidation of animals perceived to be opposed to his regime, Napoleon amended the "No animal shall kill another animal" commandment to read: "No animal shall kill another animal without cause". He argued that he was following the Seven Commandments decided on by the animals on the farm. And the majority of the animals, who could not remember properly the difference between the original commandment and the new one, thought it was one and the same and they believed Napoleon was right and still working within the confines of the constitution. When he and his fellow pigs started sleeping in beds contrary to the Seven Commandments, he amended the "No animal shall sleep in bed" commandment to "No animal shall sleep in bed with bedsheets". The ruling pigs' chief propagandist Squealer explained that the commandment was only against " bedsheets" because even the stalls where other animals were sleeping were actually beds. He argued that since the pigs were not using "sheets" in bed, they had not offended any of the seven commandments. The animals accepted. AmendmentsThe above scenarios are relevant to the prevailing politics in Uganda.Like Napoleon, it is President Museveni's decision to amend Article 105 (2) of Uganda's constitution, which provides that "no president shall serve more than two terms. He wants to amend it so that it reads "No president shall serve more than two terms unless he has performed well". He is like saying the term limits should only affect non-performing presidents. That is why you hear the Movement cadres say Museveni should get a third term because he has performed well - as if when the Constituent Assembly delegates were making the term limits, they feared Museveni would not perform. Museveni is fond of the "people have decided" when actually it is entirely his decision. Then he turns around to say it's the people who decided that he should stand and therefore he has no choice but to comply. ExcusesAfter the removal of presidential term limits, we shall soon start hearing that "people" from this and that district have urged Museveni to stand again. Museveni will then declare he did not want to stand but due to public demand, and his commitment never to betray the wishes of the "people," he has been constrained to seek re-election. Because of our weak civil society which is predominantly peasant, presidents of developing countries do not derive their power from the people. They only use the people to rubberstamp or legitimise their dictatorial decisions. So it is not true whatsoever that Museveni derives power from the people as he keeps telling the country. He only uses the "people" to justify his actions, but they matter little to him in as far as political decisions are concerned. When the President was condemning political parties as satanic, the Movement people were saying the same thing. In 2003 when Museveni changed his mind, for political expedience, and said parties were not bad and should be freed, all the Movement cadres also changed and said parties were good and justified to operate freely. In Uganda people follow presidents; it's not the presidents who follow the people. When Idi Amin overthrew Obote in 1971, the people praised him as a nationalist. When he was toppled in 1979, they condemned
[Ugnet] Re: [Mwananchi] KAGAME, RWANDA AT BLEEDING
Sanyane There is no one promoting The Tutsi empire in Grate lakes than Museveni and Kagame them selves, and smart as you are you have read the transcripts where Museveni is promising to do just that. If you are in dought ask the population of Northern Uganda who were chassed away from their homes and forced in camps for now 20 years. As it happens we have a thing called Konny fighting in northern Uganda yet UPDF high ranking officers are now capable to establish massive farms in the land of these poor souls. And I was in Northern Uganda 3 weeks ago and wondered how humanity can allow to be that cruel to each other, Uganda is under anarchy indeed. But let me as well wonder out loud, Sanyane, when you read this list of these people forced out of Rwanda, why was this your response? Are these people in Rwanda or Kagame is as well following the Tutsi empire agenda? I have grown up in Great Lakes but I have never seen such massive deaths of our people than after Kagame and Museveni came to power. The two make Hitler a joke. And the onus is on you Sanyane to speak out loud for those oppressed in Northern Uganda and Congo, plus inside Rwanda its self. Or history will have a bad chapter on you. Em Toronto The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" - Original Message - From: H T Sanyane To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] Cc: ugandanet@kym.net ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sent: Tuesday, July 05, 2005 6:03 AM Subject: Re: [Mwananchi] KAGAME, RWANDA AT BLEEDING Mulindwa, I attended a function yesterday at the [Rwanda] organized by the Embassy, According to most people I spoke to including those who leave here South Africa and are anti Kagame, They tell me that you are one those people from the region who still promotes this anti "Tutsi" mentality called "the Hima" empire myth. The "Hima" empire myth is a propaganda that calls other groups from Burundi, DRC, Rwanda to Uganda that "Tutsis" want rule the whole region of the great lakes and that they are not of "BANTU" stock hence they are been targeted and killed, some even have come up with Insane theories that "Tutsis" were white before they became Black. Mandami Mulindwa"s fellow country man has written a very interesting lecture book titled "when does a settler become a citizens", he demonstrate how those who label themselves as "Tutsi" or "Hut" are products of a relationship between the to groups. The is no "hutsi" he argues, this people share the same Culture same language they lived side by side marrying each other until the Germans and later the Belgians came. somebody called a war of noses this how people are classified many Hutus killed many Hutus or Tutsi killing another Tutsi because they are not sure who they are, A Walloon can Kill a Flemish in Belgium because of the difference in language and historical factor. Thabo SanyaneUnisa Centre for Latin American StudiesTel 012 - 4296065Fax 012 - 4293680Cellphone 082-9466159Website: www.unisa.ac.za/uclas>>> [EMAIL PROTECTED] 06/28/05 06:02AM >>> The Current Forced Brain Drain from Rwanda A. Flights to Exile (non exhaustive list):1.Brig. Gen. Emmanuel Habyarimana, who was Minister of Defense until November 2002, and Lieut. Col. Balthazar Ndengeyinka, one of the army representatives to the assembly, fled Rwanda on March 30, 2.Lieutenant Colonel NDENGEYINKA, Army High Officer and Member of the Parliament 3.Lieutenant Alphonse Ndayambaje, Army Officer 4.Kajeguhakwa Valens, Member of the Parliament and Businesman now living in the USA 5.Rwigema P.Célestin, Prime Minister now living in the USA6.Twagiramungu Faustin, Prime Minister now living in Belgium 7.Ndagijimana J.M.Vianney, Foreign Affairs Minister now living in France 8.Mukamurenzi Marthe, Minister of Justice now living in Europe 9.Madame Béatrice Panda, Secretary of State of Interior Ministry now living in Europe 10.Sebarenzi Joseph, Speaker of the Parliament now living in the USA11.Nkuriyingoma, Minister of Information now living in Belgium 12.Musangamfura Sixbert, Head of Intelligence Services now living in Europe13.Major Ntashamaje Gerard, Army Officer now living in Europe14.Major Furuma Alphonse, Army Officer and Member of Parliament now living in the USA15.Major Kwikiriza, Army Officer now living in Europe 16.Sisi Evariste, Member of Parliament and Businessman now living in Holland 17.Rutagengwa Bosco, former Chairman of Survival association (IBUK
Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II
Yup The federalists use abusive language too if attacked face to face by glaring facts. Add in Chakamuchaka training and you have a disaster in building. Em Toronto The Mulindwas Communication Group "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" - Original Message - From: "jonah kasangwawo" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: Cc: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Tuesday, July 05, 2005 8:15 AM Subject: Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II Onegi pa Obol, I don't know how you came to the conclusion that my intention is to create "grounds for great upheavals in the country" ! All I am attempting to do is to give you the facts of our History, so we can all learn from it. I am not encouraging dictators to use the same mean tricks Obote used then, on the contrary I abhor them. But as the situation stands today, it seems we haven't learnt from that History. You may think that Obote is infallible but the fact is that he set the example for taking over power using the military which was the beginning of the troubles we are still experiencing today. If you can't see the glaring similarities - Congo, messing with the Constitution, etc. - I'm sorry I can't simplify for you farther than that. What an asshole ! Kasangwawo From: "[EMAIL PROTECTED]" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: ugandanet@kym.net To: ugandanet@kym.net Subject: Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II Date: Tue, 5 Jul 2005 04:41:07 GMT I must thank all those learned or educated or informed persons who have lead us to believe that Uganda is about Obote and Mutesa. Thank you for having a mind that allows other dictators to emerge in Uganda using the same protocol and procedures. And thank you for creating grounds for great upheavals in the country. Onegi pa Obol -- "jonah kasangwawo" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: contd. The President's Secretary responded to Obote's accusations on 4th March 1966 and questioned why the Prime Minister did not specify which foreign diplomats had been asked to send troops. He reminded the Prime Minister that while on his Northern tour, serious allegations concerning plans to overthrow the Constitution had been made in Parliament and that on his return, the Prime Minister himself had acknowledged the great alarm, especially in Kampala, caused by the movement of troops which Obote himself had authorized earlier without informing the President. Connection was made between this illegal training of troops and the truck loads of arms and ammunition impounded by the Kenyan government the year before. The response further stated that "In the circumstances, precautionary requests had to be made should the situation get out of hand. The safety of the nation was at stake. The President did not invite foreign troops to invade this country". The precautionary requests were conditional and did not precipitate anything. The answer further reminded the Prime Minister that during the army mutiny in 1964, he had called in British troops without informing the President who was both Head of State and Commander-in-Chief until Sir Edward demanded to be given the necessary information. Concerning the dereliction of duty accusations, the Secretary to the President stated, and I quote: "As to failure to sign the two Acts, section 67 of the Constitution provides, in part, that if the President "declines" to perform an act as required by the Constitution, the Prime Minister may himself perform that act. In his capacity as Kabaka of Buganda and President of Uganda, Sir Edward Mutesa was put in a most invidious position over the question of the Referendum. The two Counties, the subject of the Referendum, formed part of the Kingdom of Buganda. The Prime Minister was quite aware of this quandary himself and he agreed to follow the procedures laid down in section 67 and signed the Acts. The section envisaged such a situation. It was constitutional for the President to have declined as he did". The same was true for the official opening of the session of Parliament. The Constitution did not provide that the President MUST (emphasis mine) perform the opening of each and every session. It envisaged occasions where the Vice-President could perform functions should the President be unable to do so. This was one such occasion. All of this shows that Obote was just trying to find petty reasons for carrying out his unconstitutional acts. Another problem was that the President had no access to the mass media which was a monopoly of Obote and his government. So while Obote could reach a lot of people, Sir Edward could only depend on the mercy of the press which was also not quite free. But on 4th March 1966 the President managed to break his silence and published two letters he had written to the Prime Minister on 28th February 1966 and 3rd March 1966. The first one read in part: "This is to inform you
[Ugnet] Zuma sacking a wake -up call for Africa
NEWS EXTRA Zuma sacking a wake-up call for Africa Story by MWENDA NJOKA Publication Date: 07/06/2005 Former South African deputy president Jacob Zuma (right) is led into a Nairobi hotel by general manager Clive Webster, shortly after his arrival for a private visit to Kenya in July, 2001. When he fired Jacob Zuma as deputy president recently, South African President Thabo Mbeki chose his words carefully in explaining his action on a man who had for many years been his most loyal political protege. Mbeki said that although he still had "very high esteem in the person of Mr Zuma," he was compelled to relieve him of his job because he had come to the conclusion that "circumstances dictate that, in the interest of the honourable deputy president, the government, our young democratic system and our country, it would be best to relieve Hon Jacob Zuma of his responsibility as deputy president of the Republic of South Africa and member of the Cabinet." Not that he had committed a crime or was accused of plotting to overthrow Mbeki's government, but Zumas sin was said to be the company he kept. He had bad company and paid the ultimate price for it political death. The problems started when his close friend, Schabir Shaik, who was described by the South African Press as the financial adviser to the fallen politician, was convicted for fraud, bribery and other forms of corruption, and sentenced to 15 years' jail. 'Pair generally corrupt' The court said that although there was nothing to directly link Zuma to Shaiks shady multi-million-dollar deals, there were indications that the pair "was generally corrupt." Shaik, a flamboyant former freedom fighter with the African National Congress (ANC), who turned businessman and international wheeler-dealer in the murky but highly lucrative world of defence and arms trade, enjoyed extremely cordial relations with Zuma. Long before Shaiks conviction and Zumas sacking, it was believed in South Africas corridors of power that any deal Shaik wanted he got it, thanks to his association with the deputy president. The straw that broke the back of the camel that Shaik had been riding and minting millions of rand in the process, revolved around a French arms company that was trying to clinch a multi-billion-rand defence contract with the South African Defence Forces (SADF). It was later leaked that Shaik had negotiated a sweetheart deal with the French firm in which he and the deputy president were to be put on an annual retainer of millions of rand if it went through. But things did not go according to plan and, instead of clinching the deal, he found himself before Mr Justice Hillary Squires. As the trial went on, Zuma kept pleading his innocence and declaring that he would not resign just because his associate had been arraigned in court. True to his political form, he accused the media and "political enemies" of trying to hound him out of office for "no good reason." Zuma, 63, is a very popular politician, especially among the South African youth, and more so in his Kwa-Zulu Natal home turf. He is credited with having brokered peace between rivals ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) of Mangosuthu Buthelezi. He also had the backing of the countrys umbrella labour organisation, the Confederation of South African Trade Unions, or Cosatu, not to mention a groundswell of support from within the ruling party. Some of his supporters in Cosatu cautioned Mbeki against taking any action on him, claiming that "sinister forces out to prevent Zuma from succeeding Mbeki as president in 2009 had framed him." But this did not stop the president from firing his political ally when he believed it was in the national interest to do so. The Zuma saga is not the only example of how seriously the Pretoria government takes corruption. In April, 20 MPs were charged with making fraudulent travel claims. If convicted, they could be heavily fined and lose their seats. Mbeki's bold action should be a wake-up call to other African leaders faced with the dilemma of dealing with corrupt Cabinet ministers. Take, for instance, the situation in Kenya. Several ministers and other senior government officials have had their names or those of business associates mentioned adversely in corruption investigations. Kenyans have called for the resignation of such officials, but President Kibaki has not been particularly forthcoming in dealing with his lieutenants in such circumstances. It must have been particularly disheartening for many of them when a minister who had been embroiled in a dubious tax-exemption deal and was being pressurised to resign, pontificated: "When I met the President, he asked me what this hullabaloo was all about and wanted to know whose goat I had eaten" Of course, the minister just like others whose names had been mentioned adversely is still in office. In neighbouring Uganda, President Yoweri Museveni has not been forthcoming ei
[Ugnet] US Ambassador , Jimmy Kolker is wrong when he called on Opposition parties NOT to boycott referendum
On Friday the US Ambassador to Uganda, Jimmy Kolker, said a boycott would deprive the opposition of an opportunity to explain their vision of democracy in Uganda. He also criticised the government for the way it had handled the process so far. US ambassador is wrong...dead wrong! Uganda's opposition Political parties, will not and cannot participate in Yoweri Museveni's Referendum; the result of which is a foregone conclusion. ( I.E Museveni's NRM is going to manipulate the referendum to Support Museveni's third term). Therefore participating in the so called referendum exercise , in in essence , and endorsement of the regime's wishes. Let Museveni hold his referendum,... let him declare himself and the NRM the "winner" of the said "referendum"..the people of Uganda will therefore have a valid a sufficient reason to engage Museveni and his NRM in the language the NRM understands! Matek UGANDA: Concerns over constitutional amendment proposals 05 Jul 2005 14:40:34 GMTSource: IRIN Background CRISIS PROFILE-Whats going on in northern Uganda? CRISIS PROFILE: Whats going on in Congo? MORE KAMPALA, 5 July (IRIN) - The recent endorsement by the Ugandan parliament of a proposal to amend the constitution to remove presidential term limits could create political turmoil in the East African country, opposition politicians and some western governments have said. The MPs voted overwhelmingly on 28 June to change a 10-year old provision in the constitution that limited a president to two five-year terms. A national referendum on the issue is due to be held in July. Opposition politicians said the proposal to lift the term limits was intended to allow incumbent president Yoweri Museveni, whose second elected term expires in March 2006, to run again. The president has so far refused to state whether he is interested in running for a "third term". Asked by reporters on Sunday, he said a meeting of his ruling party's delegates, due soon, would decide who their candidate in the next elections would be. Ruling party cadres across the country have openly started campaigning for Museveni to get a "third term". The president, who seized power in a military coup in 1986, has already been in power for 20 years, during which he twice organised and won elections. "It is sad that Uganda will get back to its past bad ways. I find the decision by parliament last Tuesday very costly," said Paul Ssemogerere, previously foreign minister under Museveni and now leader of the opposition Democratic Party. Reagan Okumu, an opposition MP from northern Uganda where a brutal 18-year old war against Museveni's government is being fought, commented: "Maintaining Museveni in power has been a very expensive venture. Hundreds of thousands of people died while he fought his way to power, and many more have died while he is in power." He said opposition politicians were experiencing "a lot of harassment and intimidation in the countryside, including being faced with [the might of the] military". A government spokesman described the opposition as "lawbreakers and anarchists". "The government will have to act against those who are opposed to what we think is a major constitutional change. We shall firmly deal with those sowing fear," information minister and government spokesman, Nsaba Buturo, told IRIN on Saturday. He asked the opposition to learn to lose honourably, saying, "the vote was a victory for democracy: the people will now hire and fire their presidents, and not have the constitution dictate to them who to fire". The opposition politicians said 28 July was "nothing but a cover for his [Museveni's] plan to stay in power for life" and vowed to boycott the referendum. US TALKS TOUGH On Friday the US Ambassador to Uganda, Jimmy Kolker, said a boycott would deprive the opposition of an opportunity to explain their vision of democracy in Uganda. He also criticised the government for the way it had handled the process so far. "The Movement [ruling party] is portraying the referendum on the change of system as a chance to remove critical politicians from the institutions of government, so that their influence can be diminished still further. "At the same time, leaders of the opposition are pretending that Uganda's decision whether to adopt a multiparty system is of no consequence at all and are boycotting the referendum," Kolker noted. "In America, we believe that political competition improves government policies and gives citizens more voice. Sadly, no one is providing that positive vision of Uganda's political future," he added in a speech marking his country's independence day. He cast doubt on Uganda's democratic credentials and cautioned: "Freedom of _expression_, of association, of assembly are sacred principles in any serious democracy; until Ugandans exercising those rights are protected, and those violating them are punished, Uganda's democracy will be incomplete." He observed that the "red warnin
[Ugnet] Kisanja threatens EA unity
Kisanja threatens EA unity Monitor Team KAMPALA TANZANIA is getting increasingly apprehensive over Uganda's move to amend its Constitution and abolish presidential term limits, a move that could jeopardise harmony in the East African Community and make the attainment of a political federation a pipe dream. The national parliament in the political capital of Dodoma was last week asked to reconsider Tanzania's position on the community if it means partnering with Uganda. The neighbouring country's independent media have also started questioning Uganda's suitability as a regional economic partner and part of a future political union. Moshi Urban MP Philemon Ndesamburo said Tanzania should withdraw from the East African Community (EAC) to "protect its credibility" after a Bill that would give President Yoweri Museveni the green light to vie for athird elective term when his current mandate expires next year passed the first stage in the Ugandan Parliament last week. "Tanzania should not co-operate with an undemocratic country that wants to have a president for life," Ndesamburo charged. "We are respected the world over as a democratic country that upholds the principles of democracy and good governance. We should protect this honour at all costs even if it means quitting EAC."The MP argued that Tanzania would lose its credibility if it co-operated with undemocratic and dictatorial governments. EAC is made up of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Ndesamburo, who made the call in his contribution to the 2005/2006 budget estimates for the Office of the President, was widely reported in the Tanzanian media, which have followed up the matter with several commentaries calling on President Museveni not to endanger the EAC by clinging onto power. Mkapas secret visitBut even before the MP spoke out, there were clear indications that President Benjamin Mkapa and his apparent successor, Jakaya Kikwete, were opposed to Uganda's attempts to amend the Constitution to remove term limits. Mkapa travelled to Uganda earlier this year for a private meeting at which he is reported to have told Museveni to abandon the plans of amending the Constitution and retire at the end of his current and last term. Kikwete, a close friend of former First Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya, who fell out with Museveni over his opposition to the term limits amendment, has also privately expressed outrage at the Ugandan leadership's decision to amend the Constitution.The Tanzanians have reportedly said Museveni is "ashaming African leaders" by manipulating the Constitution in order to extend his stay. Reports that the Tanzanians are developing cold feet over the East African political union because of Museveni's apparent bid to stay in power beyond his current constitutional mandate will be unsettling for the president, who has privately told confidants that one of the reasons why he wants to carry on is to achieve his long dream of East African federation. Museveni said in an interview with Kfm on Sunday that the East African political union was one of the things he had not accomplished in his last 19 years. But in Kampala, the State Minister for Regional Cooperation, Mr. Augustine Nshimye, said the East African federation was in the interest of the entire region and had no relationship with Uganda's move to lift presidential term limits. He said even if Uganda's Constitution is amended to remove term limits, Museveni might not be in power in 2013, when the political federation is expected to start. "If Museveni contests for another term, it has no harm on the federation, and should not be a cause for alarm to other East African countries," Nshimye said. He said when East Africans go for full political federation, there will be general elections to determine the head of the federation. Nshimye said, "Assuming the people of East Africa choose Museveni, what would be wrong with that?" But the growing view in Tanzania appears to be that the dream of political federation would rather wait than play into the hands of Museveni, "who has shown no respect for his country's Constitution." Museveni studied at the University of Dar es Salaam and lived in Tanzania for many years, benefiting from the direct political tutelage of the country's first president, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Museveni was commander of one of the Ugandan fighting forces, Fronasa, that joined the Tanzanian army in its war to remove Idi Amin from October 1978 to April 1979. Although Nyerere backed the subsequent regime of Milton Obote, he finally switched to Museveni's side as he entered his official retirement. Nyereres favourable disposition towards Museveni generated respect for Uganda's new leader in the Tanzanian establishment and public. After Nyerere entrenched the two-term limit for presidency in their Constitution, Tanzanians regard any attempts by an African leader to remain longer than 10 years in power with disapproval. However the Tanzanians, who contributed a lot t
[Ugnet] Africans on Africa
Printable version Africans on Africa: Conflict Claasens left South Africa in 1995Each day this week, the BBC is looking at African problems through African eyes. Here, Cobus Claasens, a former South African mercenary now living in Sierra Leone, reflects on why Africa is ridden with conflict. I served in the South African army and then in private military companies after that. I came to Sierra Leone in 1995, worked here and then formed my own business, and I'm still in Freetown after all these years. All those horror stories you hear about Africa actually happened here. People burned alive in houses, girls taken into the cathedral and raped, beheadings. The perpetrators were often kids, child soldiers. Here in Freetown, the victims of the rebels are everywhere - orphaned streetkids, young girls having to work as prostitutes to keep their families. I have my opinions about what causes war in Africa, what fans the flames of it. One could easily say that war is the result of failures. Some failures in Africa don't lead to war and others do. Why do political systems fail? Why do military forces fail in their duty to protect the people? Why did they take over power? Why is there corruption? Poverty? Why is there famine? Maybe if you ask those questions and you get answers to them then you'll move closer to why there is war in Africa. Resources Throughout Africa, there are people without work, without prospects for the future. Many young men find it hard to get a job, there is nothing to do. In the provinces it is worse. That is why the chances of them going to war are higher. One Freetown engineer that I spoke to, Michael, told me that people are afraid, and blame the government, the politicians and the rich. Studies have shown that when incomes double, the risk of a country falling into a war halves. Victims of the war are visible everywhere in Sierra LeoneBut the irony is that war has often broken out in those countries with the best natural resources. Too often, it just creates something worth fighting over, and then the money to keep the conflict going. Okere Adams, a Sierra Leone government minister, explained to me that the country's agriculture industry was virtually abandoned by workers when diamonds were discovered. The net result was conflict over the diamond mining areas, and people from other countries joining in in the hope of winning access to the mines. And look at Liberia, with its timber and diamonds, or DR Congo. When the Angolan rebel leader Jonas Savimbi was killed, he'd built up a $4bn fortune on the back of that country's mineral wealth. And there are other reasons behind wars in Africa. Look at the mess that was often left when colonial powers pulled out. I fought in a counter-insurgency war in the north of Namibia and the south of Angola with various sideline operations in other Southern African countries. Many people say the Angola war has its roots in tribalism. Angola was carved up like the other countries by the colonial powers - already the borders misrepresented the geopolitical status of some peoples. You can take another step back and see how the colonial power had administered that country. Imagine it had administered that country in an enlightened way. Let's say they could look into the future and appoint a consultant from the UN today to advise them on how to do it. If this consultant had taught them not to mismanage the human and natural resources, to educate the people to the fullest extent, to govern in a humane and internationally recognisable way, and finally had taught them to reintegrate the people of that country into the government, imagine that path had been followed in Angola. Maybe perhaps it would be a prosperous, peaceful country with very clever people, well educated and rich. Role model Politicians justifiably get a lot of blame for what's gone wrong on the continent. But democracy is slowly spreading. In the 1960s and 1970s no black African leader south of the Sahara was voted out of power, and only one in the 1980s. But from then to 2004, more than a dozen new leaders were arrived via the ballot box. So are politicians making good the mistakes of the past? Minister Okere Adams claims that "we have learned our lessons" and proudly points out that 17 parties contested the
[Ugnet] Africa: Good intentions.....
Good intentions, effective resultsBy Henry J. Hyde, chairman of the House International Relations CommitteePublished July 5, 2005 Throughout Africa, millions of people live in conditions scarcely imaginable to most Americans. It is too simple to lay the conditions of grinding poverty, failing institutions, rampant corruption, recurring conflict, starving children and flagging economies all at the feet of some notoriously wretched leaders, although the continent has had its share. Africa has also been the victim of good intentions. Decades of half-promises from Western donors have littered the landscape with half-finished projects that now stand as rusted monuments to the African miracle that hasn't happened.We should all applaud British Prime Minister Tony Blair for making Africa the centerpiece of the G-8 summit at Gleneagles, Scotland, this week--and for hustling other world leaders to the cause. However, the chief proposal being offered to address African needs is suspect. The United Kingdom is pushing for an "International Finance Facility" that would use international bond markets to raise $50 billion in development funds for each of the next few years, with donors committing future aid budgets to pay off the bonds in subsequent years. The notion of mortgaging the future for an immediate and massive push for cash now that would magically shove Africa writ large over an imaginary barrier into a promised land of opportunity lacks the mechanics to link western money to African outcomes.In many parts of Africa, a $50 billion roll of the global dice to hand over truckloads of cash would merely fund ineffective projects and further entrench the elements of corruption, thuggery and income disparity, while undercutting those African heroes laboring on an uneven playing field to promote transparency, good governance and economic participation.We already have a framework for confronting Africa's ills. In Monterrey, Mexico, in early 2002, developed nations agreed to a new bargain with the world's underdeveloped nations: Donors would increase aid spending and the world's poor nations would carry out economic and political reforms to ensure that development-assistance money gets spent effectively. Something-for-nothing handouts would end.The IFF undermines the spirit of Monterrey by focusing on the tin-cupping of financing the enterprise rather than crafting a strategy for achieving desperately needed outcomes the enterprise is intended to provide. We must no longer treat Africa as a ward of the developed world. We must no longer espouse the welfarism of patting the continent on the head muttering, "poor Africans" while opening our wallets so we, as donors, can sleep better at night thinking we've made a difference when we haven't. No nation ever spent its way out of poverty by cashing foreign-aid checks.Instead, we should focus our partnerships with committed African leaders who are actively implementing the kinds of policies and actions necessary for home-grown economic growth and poverty reduction. African leaders genuinely concerned about the betterment of their country focus on trade, private investment, technology and other core drivers of lasting economic growth--and how to become less dependent on the whims of Western handouts. Transparent and dedicated African states deserve our targeted assistance to support them as they wrestle through their own development challenges with their own solutions, where mutual self-interest in the continent's development infuses a commitment to visible outcomes and expectations that run both ways between donors and developing states.In Gleneagles, the Bush administration and the other G-8 participants should hold fast to the principles of Monterrey and tie aid to policies that promote growth and democracy. President Bush's $674 million aid package to Africa announced at Tony Blair's White House visit last month and the subsequent announcement to join the G-8 to forgive $40 billion in debt to 18 mostly African countries are good steps forward. These latest measures are on top of other recent initiatives by the United States, including the $15 billion, five-year effort to combat global AIDS, the multibillion Millennium Challenge Account to spur economic growth in good performing countries, and the African Growth and Opportunity Act to provide trade preferences to 37 African countries.The voices of political leaders, movie and rock stars and the African poor are united in saying that Gleneagles poses a great opportunity. Let us seek to ensure that the focus is on achieving outcomes for African people rather than creating new monuments to our good intentions.--This commentary first appeared in The Sunday Telegraph. Copyright © 2005, Chicago Tribune ___ Ugandanet mailing list Ugandanet@kym.net http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet
Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II
Onegi pa Obol, I don't know how you came to the conclusion that my intention is to create "grounds for great upheavals in the country" ! All I am attempting to do is to give you the facts of our History, so we can all learn from it. I am not encouraging dictators to use the same mean tricks Obote used then, on the contrary I abhor them. But as the situation stands today, it seems we haven't learnt from that History. You may think that Obote is infallible but the fact is that he set the example for taking over power using the military which was the beginning of the troubles we are still experiencing today. If you can't see the glaring similarities - Congo, messing with the Constitution, etc. - I'm sorry I can't simplify for you farther than that. What an asshole ! Kasangwawo From: "[EMAIL PROTECTED]" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: ugandanet@kym.net To: ugandanet@kym.net Subject: Re: [Ugnet] RE: [FedsNet] Re: the 1966 crisis II Date: Tue, 5 Jul 2005 04:41:07 GMT I must thank all those learned or educated or informed persons who have lead us to believe that Uganda is about Obote and Mutesa. Thank you for having a mind that allows other dictators to emerge in Uganda using the same protocol and procedures. And thank you for creating grounds for great upheavals in the country. Onegi pa Obol -- "jonah kasangwawo" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: contd. The President's Secretary responded to Obote's accusations on 4th March 1966 and questioned why the Prime Minister did not specify which foreign diplomats had been asked to send troops. He reminded the Prime Minister that while on his Northern tour, serious allegations concerning plans to overthrow the Constitution had been made in Parliament and that on his return, the Prime Minister himself had acknowledged the great alarm, especially in Kampala, caused by the movement of troops which Obote himself had authorized earlier without informing the President. Connection was made between this illegal training of troops and the truck loads of arms and ammunition impounded by the Kenyan government the year before. The response further stated that "In the circumstances, precautionary requests had to be made should the situation get out of hand. The safety of the nation was at stake. The President did not invite foreign troops to invade this country". The precautionary requests were conditional and did not precipitate anything. The answer further reminded the Prime Minister that during the army mutiny in 1964, he had called in British troops without informing the President who was both Head of State and Commander-in-Chief until Sir Edward demanded to be given the necessary information. Concerning the dereliction of duty accusations, the Secretary to the President stated, and I quote: "As to failure to sign the two Acts, section 67 of the Constitution provides, in part, that if the President "declines" to perform an act as required by the Constitution, the Prime Minister may himself perform that act. In his capacity as Kabaka of Buganda and President of Uganda, Sir Edward Mutesa was put in a most invidious position over the question of the Referendum. The two Counties, the subject of the Referendum, formed part of the Kingdom of Buganda. The Prime Minister was quite aware of this quandary himself and he agreed to follow the procedures laid down in section 67 and signed the Acts. The section envisaged such a situation. It was constitutional for the President to have declined as he did". The same was true for the official opening of the session of Parliament. The Constitution did not provide that the President MUST (emphasis mine) perform the opening of each and every session. It envisaged occasions where the Vice-President could perform functions should the President be unable to do so. This was one such occasion. All of this shows that Obote was just trying to find petty reasons for carrying out his unconstitutional acts. Another problem was that the President had no access to the mass media which was a monopoly of Obote and his government. So while Obote could reach a lot of people, Sir Edward could only depend on the mercy of the press which was also not quite free. But on 4th March 1966 the President managed to break his silence and published two letters he had written to the Prime Minister on 28th February 1966 and 3rd March 1966. The first one read in part: "This is to inform you that your public statements of 22nd and 24th February, 1966, have caused me much anxiety especially as you have not informed me of them as you are required by the Constitution". He goes on to inform Obote that his taking over of all powers of the Government of Uganda was contrary to the Constitution, which is the supreme law of the land and that the suspension of the Constitution was unconstitutional. I'll quote the rest of it in full in order to do full justice to the message: "I have allowed plenty of time to elapse before writing to you in the hope t
