----Original Message Follows----
From: Anne Mugisha
To: THEREFORMAGENDA
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; UNAANET ; FedsNet
Sent: Thursday, July 10, 2003 8:51 AM
Subject: [FedsNet] Besigye on US/Uganda Relations
THE US IS FUELING WAR AND INSTABILITY IN UGANDA.
I am once again writing to express my deep concern regarding the human tragedy intensifying in Uganda. Over the last one and a half years, the security situation in Northern Uganda took a nose dive for the worse. This followed Government's renewed determination to "crush" the 17-year rebellion once and for all. The operation code-named "iron fist" was to rout the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) rebels from their bases in Southern Sudan and deal them a final blow.
President Museveni convinced the Western capitals (especially the US and UK) that since Sudan had ceased support for the LRA and was actively cooperating with him, the operation would take a short time. He even declared that he was going to camp in Gulu, the centre of the rebellion, and direct the war personally until it is finished. Western countries were requested to assist in receiving and resettling the large number of abductees who were to be freed from the Sudan. They were also requested to show "understanding" towards the expected increase in Defense expenditure.
The US Ambassador and some of his diplomats also pitched camp in Gulu to assist from close quarters. Among other things, they helped set up reception centres for the handling of the tens of thousands of abductees expected to be freed from Sudan.
The Sudan Government was reported to have fully cooperated in the anti-LRA operations. Sudanese troops were also reported to have suffered significant casualties from the LRA in the process of fighting alongside the UPDF.
Instead of the promised end of the rebellion and the attendant humanitarian crisis, the number of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Northern Uganda has more than doubled, the abduction of civilians including children increased greatly, the security situation worsened, with serious atrocities reportedly committed by both sides to the conflict. The rudimentary social services that had persisted in the area have been completely disrupted, thereby intensifying the humanitarian crisis.
President Museveni who had gone to personally deal with the problem was reported to have, at one time, taken refuge in the Bank of Uganda strong room in Gulu town, running away from mortar shells in his camp. It appears that he has now quietly and progressively eased himself out of his command post. His response to the humiliating personal and government failure to deal with the LRA was quite predictable- find scapegoats and give a list of excuses, while distancing himself and his government's policies from any blame.
Among the scapegoats and excuses, we heard that the problem was James Opoka, my former political assistant in the presidential campaign who was allegedly supported by the Rwanda Government; the UPDF forces were not enough because the donors had insisted on reducing the size of the army; the defense budget was insufficient because of donor conditionalities; the rains had come and grass was tall hiding the rebels; lack of roads for quick movement of troops in operational area; and some of the UPDF commanders were not serious.
The focus of attention was then gradually shifted to Rwanda as the problem. The dissident Colonels and illusory Peoples' Redemption Army (PRA) were said to be preparing to launch an attack on the country (supported by Rwandan forces) from the Ituri region of the DRC. The UPDF was deployed into Ituri to capture all airfields, crush the dominant militia group- the UPC that was supposed to have shifted alliances from Uganda to Rwanda, destroy all PRA bases, and occupy Bunia and other towns.
As a result of this intervention, the long-standing ethnic conflicts in Ituri assumed unprecedented proportions. The UPDF has in the past created and supported various militia groups on both sides of the main conflict in Ituri. This time, it supported the Lendu militia whom it had previously fought; and simultaneously supported two Hema groups - the PUSIC and a breakaway faction of UPC led by one Commander Jerome Bakonde. The carnage that engulfed the region is well known. Thousands of refugees poured into neighboring districts of Uganda.
Following reports from the Human Rights Watch and other humanitarian bodies, the international media was attracted to Ituri and brought horrifying images on TV screens. It was only at this stage that the international community firmly exerted pressure on Uganda to get out of the DRC, leaving behind the burning flames it had lit.
The Western countries then awkwardly proceeded to deploy a French-led force currently in Bunia, and operating out of Entebbe Airport. However, the UN force, together with the South African military which was agreed upon under the DRC peace accords years ago have lacked support and have only maintained a token presence in the DRC up to now. Yet, this is the force that should monitor the performance of those agreements, ensure the removal of any legitimate security concerns of the neighboring countries, and keep peace during the formation of a transitional government in the DRC. The size and capacity of the French-led force compared to the task at hand weighs heavily on the ridiculous side.
In response to Uganda's alarm over worsening relations with Rwanda, the two presidents were invited to London for a third round of talks chaired by former minister Claire Short. I have written before about the nature of this phony conflict.
For Ugandans, the silver lining from the Ituri disaster was that more people in the world, especially in the donor countries, started to see through the rosy image of President Museveni and his regime painted by the heavily paid lobbyists.
The numbers of child soldiers within the Ituri militia forces and the hideous atrocities committed in the area shocked the world. Hundreds of child soldiers have since been found undergoing military training within the UPDF. Many people around the world are now calling for Presidents Museveni to be indicted as an international war criminal like Charles Taylor of Liberia.
During the Ituri misadventure in which the UPDF lost close to 100 soldiers at the hands of the Congo militia, the LRA rampage in Northern Uganda continued unabated. Operation "Iron Fist" turned out to be a "Kawunga" Fist (dismal failure), characterized by fumbling and bungling operations all the way.
Civil society pressure, especially from church leaders, pushed President Museveni to reluctantly accept that a process of dialogue be initiated as a means of ending the 17-year old war. The President made it clear that he did not believe in that process, but since some people wanted to try it, they could go ahead. He instead concentrated on doing what he believed in.
President Museveni has doubled the size of the Army; bought huge amounts of weapons of all kinds; denied journalists free entry into the operational areas, and left the UPDF spokespersons as the only authoritative source of information on the war. He has changed commanders at various levels with the aim of improving UPDF operational effectiveness. The budget of all ministries was cut by 23%, which was added onto the Defense budget. Not even the health and education budgets were spared. 50% of the supplementary expenditure in the 2002/2003 FY was spent on the military.
The US and German governments made announcements of financial grants for the Ugandan military, in effect directly encouraging President Museveni's military adventures and undermining peaceful means of resolving conflicts. The US has been giving support to the Ugandan military ostensibly aimed at checking the spread of terrorism from the Sudan.
The peace initiative collapsed as expected, and the rebellion has assumed a fresh momentum spreading eastwards to engulf large areas of Lango and Teso. The spread of the rebellion is accompanied by severe disruption of the social infrastructure thereby widening and intensifying the social and humanitarian crisis. The response of government has been to deploy helicopter gunships that were proudly acquired recently, to indiscriminately bomb villages killing many civilians. The government has also closed the Catholic church-owned FM radio station located in the Eastern Ugandan town of Soroti, accusing it of causing a false alarm regarding the security situation.
Scapegoats seem to be in short supply now, since government reported the death of James Opoka; all the money that President Museveni wanted for military expenditure was released; new military equipment has been acquired; the Army has been expanded; the dissident Colonels left Kigali and are in Sweden. Rwanda-Uganda relations are normalizing; So what is the problem? Not surprisingly, it is Sudan- again!!
A few months ago, President Museveni organized a conference of his ruling Movement party (The Constitutional Court recently declared that the Movement 'system' was in fact a one party system), during which resolutions were made to amend the constitution. These included, not only the much talked about "Third term" but also various proposals to dramatically expand executive power, while cutting down the powers and independence of parliament and the courts. If those resolutions were to be implemented, they would have the effect of creating a formal dictatorship and life presidency in Uganda. Any hope of a peaceful democratic transition would be permanently extinguished.
It is against this background that it has been reported that the US president made last minute changes to his planned trip to Africa to include Uganda. President Bush does not seem to be sufficiently aware of the grave effects of the on-going insurgency and the depth of the political crisis in Uganda, occasioned by undemocratic rule.
It has been said that he is coming to recognize the "remarkable leadership of President Museveni in the fight against HIV/AIDS", his support for African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA), and his support to the USA in the fight against terrorism. This is in addition to the special invitation that took President Museveni to Washington to be recognized for these same "remarkable" achievements only weeks ago. Indeed it has been reported that while in Uganda President Bush is supposed to announce $100 million anti-terrorism fund for the East African countries, highlight the $15 billion Aids Fund, and maybe the $5 billion Millennium Challenge Fund.
This approach by the US government and some other Western Countries fuels war and instability in Uganda and other parts of Africa. Failure to have democratic, transparent and accountable governments is at the core of the wars and instability raging on the African continent. Programmes paid for by money from American tax-payers cannot be sustained without conditions of political stability. It is also unfortunate that some of their money is spent in ways that directly encourage wars and instability.
Trade and investment can only flourish in a stable and peaceful environment. While President Museveni is applauded for vociferously supporting AGOA, Uganda is one of the least benefiting countries from that opportunity. A lot of money may be pumped into developing education, health and other social infrastructure, only for these to go up in smoke as they have done many times in our country. It should also be realized that politically unstable and failed states offer the most fertile ground for breeding terrorism. Investing in equipment at airports, providing high tech "monitoring" capacity, or training and equipping security personnel in the "terrorist-prone" countries cannot resolve the terrorist threat in politically unstable countries.
It is a commendable fact that President Museveni unhesitatingly supported the policy of openness in the management of the HIV/AIDS scourge. The President also offered high visibility to the problem, which helped attract support for control programmes in the country.
What everyone seems to gloss over, however, is the drawback that the same President has occasioned the struggle against the scourge. Right from the onset of the Ugandan campaign to control the spread of HIV/AIDS, President Museveni has continuously made statements that stigmatize those infected with HIV/AIDS. He has been unreserved in his scorn for, and discrimination against, persons living with HIV/AIDS. He ordered the compulsory screening of all UPDF recruits and those within the service who go for in-service training and sent away those found to be HIV positive. He directed the Health department of the UPDF not to offer retroviral treatment to any member of the UPDF except those that he personally approved. He went ahead to hand pick some UPDF members to be given retroviral treatment following an unknown criteria, the composition of which group is very revealing. During the 2001 presidential election campaign, he launched an attack on me through both the local and international media, saying that I am an AIDS victim and therefore an invalid.
He has done all these things using the same advantaged office, and therefore attracting the same visibility and attention. In my view, no person in Uganda has promoted the stigmatization of persons living with HIV/AIDS like President Museveni.
President Museveni's strong leadership in the struggle against the HIV/AIDS scourge is not evident through the level of his government's funding for HIV/AIDS control programmes and for the health sector, generally. According to the UNDP's Human Development Report of 2002, Uganda government's expenditure on health was only 1.9% of GDP. For most of the Museveni presidency however, military expenditure has been above 2% of GDP. In comparison Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa spend 3 to 3.3% of GDP on health, while the government of Norway spends 7% of GDP on health. While Uganda government expenditure on health was US$ 18= per person for a year, South Africa was spending US$ 230= per person for the same year.
Many people in state and non-state institutions in Uganda have, however, worked very hard and tremendously contributed to the relative success Uganda has registered in the control of the spread of HIV/AIDS. As usual the real heroes remain unnoticed.
On the balance, I would still commend President Museveni for leading the country to achieve some successes in the control of the HIV pandemic. However, when the commendation is carried to the levels the US President and some of the Western leaders have, its motive becomes suspect. This is especially because the disproportionate praise has the effect of deflecting attention from the critical and fundamental issues that continue to devastate our country.
In conclusion, I wish to convey my sympathy to all my countrymen, women and children in the war-ravaged areas who have been driven from their homes and who continue to live in terror and sub-human conditions.
My condolences go to the families that have lost their dear ones, and to those that have been injured or maimed by the war. I condemn the perpetrators of the atrocious crimes being committed in these areas by both the rebels and the government. It is particularly disturbing that the Uganda government, which has a constitutional duty to ensure the safety of all Ugandans, has resorted to indiscriminate bombing of villages in a vain attempt to win the war. Like I have pointed out before, even if the LRA rebellion is suppressed, more rebellions will emerge and instability will continue until the underlying political questions has been appropriately resolved.
The regime of President Museveni can no longer be trusted to guide the country to a peaceful transition to democratic governance. The proposed amendments to the constitution, intended to set the stage for a formal dictatorship and life presidency in Uganda will extinguish the last hope for a peaceful transition, and lead to an escalation of violence and conflict. If the political questions are not handled urgently, Uganda will regress into a typical failed state.
Most Ugandans know that President Museveni rigged the 2001 elections. This was through the use of intimidation and violence by the military, para-military and intelligence organizations, bribery and electoral fraud. The Supreme Court confirmed that the election was rigged and "only partially in accordance with the principles of a free and fair election". It is unsurprising that today, Ugandans have absolutely no hope of a free and fair election while Mr Museveni and his "system" remains in power. This is why the "Third Term" is one of the greatest threats to the future stability of our country.
Those "Resistance" colleagues who were silent during the rigging of the elections but want to abandon Museveni now, will meet a more challenging range of obstacles and rigging, if they try to challenge him through elections, before democratic reforms are achieved.
The way out of the intensifying crisis in Uganda needs to centre on the following:
Hold a National round table conference consisting of all the unarmed and armed opposition groups under a neutral facilitator to work on the following:
1. Negotiate an immediate ceasefire between government and all fighting forces, and proceed to conclude peace agreements.
2. Define and agree on a plan of resettlement for combatants, abductees, and internally displaced persons and refugees.
3. Agree on the constitutional, legal and administrative reforms that are necessary to ensure the full enjoyment of rights and freedoms in a free and democratic society.
4. Agree on institutions and mechanisms that are necessary for ensuring a credible transition to a democratic dispensation. This should specifically include a plan for the reorganization and professionalisation of the military and security organizations.
5. Define and agree on the road map to holding free and fair elections under a multiparty system.
This five-point transition plan has been developed and agreed upon by seven political parties and organizations that constitute the main pro-democracy platform. It is time for all political leaders to take a firm and clear stand for democracy. All pro-democracy political parties and organizations need to work together towards the realization of the above objectives.
For all this to be viable, Mr Museveni should abandon his efforts to become a life president and confirm his retirement at the end of his current term.
I therefore, urge my UPDF and Resistance colleagues, who still believe in what we fought for, to put pressure on President Museveni and his group in power along the path of peace, reconciliation, stability and democracy. Museveni's Life Term project must be resolutely resisted and defeated.
Lastly, I would like to caution President Bush about the troubling direction of his government's relationship with the Museveni regime. As I have pointed out, the policies being followed by the US government and some Western countries are fueling wars and instability in Uganda. Democracy and development in stable states are the true antidotes to the threat of terrorism. Terrorism thrives on the kind of instability that Uganda is progressively sliding into.
All Uganda's friends and the Western countries specifically should support the above 5-point transition programme, so that our people can also enjoy the freedom that is taken for granted in their countries.
Col. (rtd) Dr. Kizza Besigye.
Chairperson,
Reform Agenda.
7th July 2003.
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