By Karoli Ssemogerere
July 1 , 2003
| Economic liberty is a point that few of us ever grasp in our working lifetimes. It is an important element of political liberty, both often at risk from structures, institutions that believe they can make key decisions in our lives on our behalf. It was a very tempting argument to read in last week’s East African newspaper that political parties were requesting for state funding for their activities.
For starters, two wrongs don’t make a right. The Movement’s political machine has largely been assembled through a combination of deception, manipulation, tax evasion, if one remembers Danze, the endless trail of privatization scandals, capped with a nice annual stipend of Shs 3 billion for their administrative headquarters. Promoters of their new organization, including Haji Moses Kigongo and Mr Richard Bakojja are public servants. Other promoters like Mr Bidandi Ssali to this day have not explained their receipt on a joint cheque with former Electoral Commission Chairman, Aziz Kasujja of Shs 1 billion drawn on the account of a personal secretary to the President, Ms Olive Amelia Kyambadde. For nearly two decades, the Movement’s propaganda has been part and parcel of the schools, syllabus, encoded in the Political Education syllabus, the moral syllabus incorporated in the very tacit fusion of Church and State, the physical education regimen, embodied in nuns and friars running about with wooden sticks at Chaka mchaka (military/political education) courses etc. As a legal organ akin to the former communist parties, the Movement believes that its right to exist is the only one requiring protection of the laws of Uganda. The feat of obtaining one million signatures to register the Movement political organisation happened without any police officer disbanding a meeting of the promoters of this new political party. Who would dare do so anyway given the obvious chain of command implications? The two star general, who heads the police, obviously would have to answer to the three star generals enlisted as promoters of this political party. Suffice it to say, that the collection of three star generals do not seem to be doing much about morale in the army but are said to lavish upon themselves economic opportunity upon economic opportunity. Article 29(1)(e) of the Constitution, that provides for the inalienable freedom of association pronounced upon in Paulo Ssemogerere and others v Attorney General, Constitutional Petition No. 5 of 2002 has no implication on forced association by way of mandatory state appropriations of any group taking advantage of this provision and its enabling Article 73 of the Constitution. What political parties need to focus on is dismantling the vestiges of authoritarianism that keep them shackled and ineffective. The rest of the menu, internal reorganisation, political contests and manifestos will flow directly from that. It would be tragic for us to form or support new organisations that neither disagree with nor will support the dismantling of the huge colossus that has thrived by patronage, and being supported by one of the most oppressive tax regimes in the country. From a cabinet of 66 ministers, 24 directors and deputy directors at the Movement Secretariat, 56 Resident District Commissioners, scores of presidential advisors, assistants, mobilisers, social, and club secretaries, clearly, we are a nation living beyond our means. When one adds the circus of 309 MPs each representing a few square feet, and a family to feed, the situation borders on the extreme. No one can clearly explain whether representation of Kyaddondo, hitherto a single electoral area has improved with the splitting of the county into three seats. The common denominator of struggling overtaxed households, unemployment, collapsing infrastructure is repeated in most counties, and does not require a few more wards of the state. In fact the presumption that receiving state funding will level the political field as eager registrants under the Political Parties Organizations law is far-fetched. The political parties will not have a Danze or Heritage International to tap into. Neither do they have access to sweetheart deals like the Shs 16 billion capitalisation of ENHAS, five days prior to its sale for $3.5 million dollars. They may simply turn into propaganda pieces for the Movement. The examples both at home and abroad are numerous. In Kenya, the political liberation of that country was delayed by one hell of a scandal, Goldenberg, where a former icon of the political struggle to free Kenya, Mr Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and his key deputies, Mr Paul Muite, and others were enveloped in the export compensation scandal. In Uganda, Haji Nasser Sebaggala’s historical run for Mayor of Kampala was accomplished on the back of adulterated commercial paper. Former Democratic Party and Uganda Freedom Movement Secretary General Francis Bwengye’s return from abroad was accomplished on a sweetheart deal that also saw him line up to legitimise President Yoweri Museveni’s most recent election built on principles far from truth and justice for which he purportedly stands. The huge disconnect between ordinary folk and the political intelligentsia is easily explained. The political intelligentsia all look more of the same, different variations and flavors of the same meat type, from the juicy types diming them for each extra nickel to the skinny ones waiting for a chance to scratch for cash in the political lottery. It is a point that Mr Museveni while building his political kingdom on the back of taxpayers understands very well. At an appropriate price, most of the opposition will look him deep in the eye, shake his hands and acquiesce to his demands. With that “illusionary peace of mind” he will never be accountable for anything, the DR Congo, northern Uganda. The writer is Ugandan lawyer working in Washington, USA. |
© 2003 The Monitor Publications
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