[ZESTCaste] Dalit beaten to death for defying diktat

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.ptinews.com/news/695592_Dalit-beaten-to-death-for-defying-diktat

Dalit beaten to death for defying diktat

STAFF WRITER 15:55 HRS IST
Ballia (UP), Jun 6 (PTI) A dalit youth was beaten to death allegedly
by some villagers after he attended a wedding function, defying a
diktat, police said here today.

A group of villagers barged into the house of Dhirendra Kumar at
Panchhua village late last night and attacked him.

When he resisted, they beat him to death, Deputy Superintendent of
Police Deshraj Singh said.

He said Dhirendra's family was socially boycotted by the villagers
some years back. However, when he went to attend a marriage function
last night, he was attacked in order to teach a lesson.

Meanwhile, some persons have lodged a complaint alleging that the
attack was in retaliation to the rape of a 15-year-old girl by
Dhirendra and his two associates.


[ZESTCaste] NCW orders probe into Dalit father-daughter duo death

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.ptinews.com/news/694597_NCW-orders-probe-into-Dalit-father-daughter-duo-death

NCW orders probe into Dalit father-daughter duo death

STAFF WRITER 21:50 HRS IST
New Delhi, Jun 5 (PTI) The National Commission for Women today said an
inquiry has been ordered into the death of a Dalit father-daughter
duo, who were burnt alive in Mirchpur in Haryana.

The inquiry, which would be conducted by NCW member Wansuk Syiem,
would inquire into the circumstances leading to the incident and the
action taken by the authorities.

The member shall meet the police officers and others concerned to
ascertain the facts and circumstances and the protection provided to
Dalit families.

Tara Chand (70) and his daughter Suman (18) were burnt alive on April
21 allegedly when members of a particular community torched several
houses belonging to Dalits in Mirchpur village.


[ZESTCaste] Caste-ing my vote (Opinion)

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/sunil-jain-caste-ing-my-vote/397231/

Sunil Jain: Caste-ing my vote

If the census tabulates caste data with education, occupation and the
place of residence, etc., it could be meaningful
Sunil Jain / New Delhi June 07, 2010, 0:20 IST


If the census tabulates caste data with education, occupation and the
place of residence, etc., it could be meaningful

Too many of India’s policies, especially in recent times, are made in
a data vacuum. The Right to Education seeks to rid the country of
unrecognised private schools, but there is no official data on just
how many children study in these schools and how good or bad this
education is. The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act seeks to
provide jobs to the unemployed, but the data on this is collected only
once in five years by the NSSO. The government is happy to do
caste-based affirmative action even while it has no data on how real
the discrimination is.

It is in this context that the proposal to ask for caste details in
the census has to be seen. Those in favour of it argue that if you
must have reservations along caste lines, you must know just how many
people there are in each caste group. Those opposed to it argue that
since the Supreme Court has put a 50 per cent ceiling on reservations,
and there are more SC/ST/OBCs, the exact number needn’t be collected.
Two, since there are benefits in being an SC/ST/OBC, people will flock
to declare they’re SC/ST/OBC — the OBC share of the population rose
from 36 per cent in the 1999-2000 NSSO survey to 41 per cent in the
2004-05 one for this very reason.

So, it is likely the same thing will happen if caste details are
canvassed in the census. There will then be pressure on the courts to
raise the levels of reservation, leading possibly to another
anti-Mandal type of bloody agitation. There is, however, an even more
fundamental issue when it comes to canvassing caste details: in the
absence of ways to put them in perspective, the data is just
incendiary.

Let’s say you know that while SC/STs are 25 per cent of the
population, they comprise just 12 per cent of those with
“administrative, executive and managerial” jobs. Before you shout
discrimination, keep in mind SC/STs also comprise just 14 per cent of
all graduates — and since you have to have passed out of school to
become a graduate, the solution is clearly not affirmative action, it
is ensuring low dropout rates in school.

Or let’s say you get to know that while 20 per cent of OBCs are
graduates, just 7 per cent of them have
professional/administrative/managerial jobs. It’s natural to shout
discrimination, but keep in mind the respective figures for upper
castes are 34 and 11 per cent.

All of this, and a lot more, form the crux of a book just written by
Rajesh Shukla and me (out on the stands at the end of the month) based
on the NCAER’s annual income survey across the country. While it would
be foolish to deny caste discrimination, the book tries to analyse the
reasons for the difference in incomes — how much is due to education,
how much is due to where you live (villages, small towns, metros,
prosperous states, poor states), how much is due to your occupation,
and so on.

The results are illuminating. To cite just one type of example, while
an illiterate ST household earns Rs 22,456 per year, this rises to Rs
85,023 for a graduate household; an illiterate upper class household
earns Rs 31,511 versus Rs 135,086 for a graduate household. At all
levels of education categories, upper castes earn more than STs. But
the caveats are critical. Here are a few:

# The difference in income between an illiterate and a graduate ST is
far higher than the difference between an ST and any other caste group
— that is, education is critical (and keep in mind the point about the
high school dropout rates).

# As salaries are the highest (and the relative differences between
caste groups the least) in the modern services sector, a big reason
for low ST incomes (regardless of their education level) is that very
few of them are in this sector.

# Since incomes are the lowest (and relative income differences
between caste groups the highest) in low-income states, a very major
reason for low ST incomes is that they are mostly located in these
states.

# As incomes are the lowest in rural areas (and relative income
differences among the highest), and this is where the greater share of
ST households are, this is another reason for lower ST incomes (again,
this applies to all education groups).

While the census does not ask for information on incomes, it does ask
for information on some surrogates — pucca house, own
kitchen/bathroom, TV, car, mobile etc. If this information is married
with information on education, occupation and location (rural, urban,
small town, metro etc.) in meaningful cross-tabulations of the type
discussed above, the exercise could yield powerful results on caste
discrimination. The raw numbers, it must be 

[ZESTCaste] BSP leader who humiliated dalit walking free

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/BSP-leader-who-humiliated-dalit-walking-free/articleshow/6016320.cms

BSP leader who humiliated dalit walking free
TNN, Jun 6, 2010, 01.43am IST

LUCKNOW: BSP Aligarh unit chief Moolchandra Baghel and four others
have not been arrested so far for publicly humiliating a ‘‘mentally
challenged’’ dalit woman at Aligarh on June 2.

Two days after the incident, the UP government on Friday refuted media
reports that the victim was stripped and paraded naked. It, however,
admitted that the woman’s hands and legs were tied and she was
assaulted in full public view. The government also said the woman had
got violent and had to be controlled.

Virma Devi of Chandaukha village in Aligarh district had gone to
attend a religious congregation in the village where Baghel was
present. Reports reaching here said organizer Netrapal Baghel had
promised Virma Devi to plead her case before Moolchand for some
financial assistance from the government. When Virma reminded him of
his promise, Netrapal got angry and allegedly drove Virma Devi out of
the pandal.





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[ZESTCaste] An eye-opening article on Gandhi's views on and practice of Chastity

2010-06-07 Thread CHITTIBABU PADAVALA
Why one more article on Gandhi's sexual life? Very often, the talk about
Gandhi's sexuality sounds as disgusting as his own views and actions.It is
still necessary to use well-researched and mildly written pieces such as
this in our campaigns against this monster called Mahatma-image which still
rules the minds of our headmasters, principals and recently, even some
professors and academics. Mr. Adams continues to believe Gandhi is a great
man and even says such ways are common to great men. Yet, the central point
of the article really damaging: Gandhi's claims to Brahmacharya were
actually retrospective constructs. He started talking about Brahmacharya
only after there was criticism against his 'perverse' ways of forcing
children and women to sleep with him naked.
http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/features/thrill-of-the-chaste-the-truth-about-gandhis-sex-life-1937411.html

Thrill of the chaste: The truth about Gandhi's sex life

With religious chastity under scrutiny, a new book throws light on Gandhi's
practice of sleeping next to naked girls. In fact, he was sex-mad, writes
biographer Jad Adams

 *Wednesday, 7 April 2010*
[image: No sex please: Gandhi, above, 'tested' himself by sleeping with
naked grand-nieces Manu, left, and Abha, right]
http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/features/thrill-of-the-chaste-the-truth-about-gandhis-sex-life-1937411.html?action=Popup

*Alamy*

No sex please: Gandhi, above, 'tested' himself by sleeping with naked
grand-nieces Manu, left, and Abha, right

   -
   
http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/features/thrill-of-the-chaste-the-truth-about-gandhis-sex-life-1937411.html?action=Popupgallery=no

It was no secret that Mohandas Gandhi had an unusual sex life. He spoke
constantly of sex and gave detailed, often provocative, instructions to his
followers as to how to they might best observe chastity. And his views were
not always popular; abnormal and unnatural was how the first Prime
Minister of independent India, Jawaharlal Nehru, described Gandhi's advice
to newlyweds to stay celibate for the sake of their souls.

But was there something more complex than a pious plea for chastity at play
in Gandhi's beliefs, preachings and even his unusual personal practices
(which included, alongside his famed chastity, sleeping naked next to
nubile, naked women to test his restraint)? In the course of researching my
new book on Gandhi, going through a hundred volumes of his complete works
and many tomes of eye-witness material, details became apparent which add up
to a more bizarre sexual history.

Much of this material was known during his lifetime, but was distorted or
suppressed after his death during the process of elevating Gandhi into the
Father of the Nation Was the Mahatma, in fact, as the pre-independence
prime minister of the Indian state of Travancore called him, a most
dangerous, semi-repressed sex maniac?

Gandhi was born in the Indian state of Gujarat and married at 13 in 1883;
his wife Kasturba was 14, not early by the standards of Gujarat at that
time. The young couple had a normal sex life, sharing a bed in a separate
room in his family home, and Kasturba was soon pregnant.

Two years later, as his father lay dying, Gandhi left his bedside to have
sex with Kasturba. Meanwhile, his father drew his last breath. The young man
compounded his grief with guilt that he had not been present, and
represented his subsequent revulsion towards lustful love as being related
to his father's death.

However, Gandhi and Kasturba's last child wasn't born until fifteen years
later, in 1900.

In fact, Gandhi did not develop his censorious attitude to sex (and
certainly not to marital sex) until he was in his 30s, while a volunteer in
the ambulance corps, assisting the British Empire in its wars in Southern
Africa. On long marches in sparsely populated land in the Boer War and the
Zulu uprisings, Gandhi considered how he could best give service to
humanity and decided it must be by embracing poverty and chastity.

At the age of 38, in 1906, he took a vow of brahmacharya, which meant living
a spiritual life but is normally referred to as chastity, without which such
a life is deemed impossible by Hindus.

Gandhi found it easy to embrace poverty. It was chastity that eluded him. So
he worked out a series of complex rules which meant he could say he was
chaste while still engaging in the most explicit sexual conversation,
letters and behaviour.

With the zeal of the convert, within a year of his vow, he told readers of
his newspaper Indian Opinion: It is the duty of every thoughtful Indian not
to marry. In case he is helpless in regard to marriage, he should abstain
from sexual intercourse with his wife.

Meanwhile, Gandhi was challenging that abstinence in his own way. He set up
ashrams in which he began his first experiments with sex; boys and girls
were to bathe and sleep together, chastely, but were punished for any sexual
talk. Men and 

[ZESTCaste] NCW to probe Mirchpur incident

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article447437.ece

Published: June 6, 2010 01:45 IST | Updated: June 6, 2010 01:45 IST
NEW DELHI, June 6, 2010

NCW to probe Mirchpur incident
Aarti Dhar

Taking cognizance of the killing of an 18-year-old Dalit girl and her
70-year-old father at Mirchpur village in Hissar district of Haryana
in April, the National Commission for Women (NCW) has set up a
committee to enquire into the incident.

The incident reportedly took place on April 21. A mob, reportedly
belonging to a dominant community, torched several Dalit households,
forcing families to flee. As many as 35 houses were destroyed and 50
ransacked and 25 people injured in the violence.

The committee, headed by NCW member Wansuk Syiem, will enquire into
the circumstances leading to the incident and the action taken by the
authorities. It will meet the police officers concerned and other
officials as it deems proper to ascertain the facts and circumstances
and protection provided to Dalit families.

Court notice

Taking a serious view of the forceful eviction of 150 Dalit families
from Mirchpur after the incident, the Supreme Court has also issued a
stern notice to the Haryana government for its response to a petition
highlighting their plight. It has asked the State to come out with a
plan for rehabilitation of these families, many of which are camping
at a temple here.


[ZESTCaste] Existential dilemmas

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.hindu.com/lr/2010/06/06/stories/2010060650220600.htm

ESSAYS

Existential dilemmas


INDIRA PARTHASARATHY

Ravikumar's approach to human issues, as seen in his writing, befits
his many-sided personality.


Ravi asks: ‘Why is that the cultural sphere gains more significance
than the killing of a human being? How are we to understand the
meaning of the word ‘culture' here?

Venomous Touch: Notes on Caste, Culture and Politics; Ravikumar,
Translated from the Tamil by R. Azhagarasan, published by Samya,
Kolkata, Rs. 650


The 1980s witnessed a gradual ascendance of the young brigade of Dalit
intellectuals in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry, among whom were artists,
writers, journalists, academicians and human rights crusaders. They
were largely instrumental in bringing to focus the subaltern
literature in the Tamil region in the context of the Dalit movement,
which had earlier failed to catch the attention of the mainstream
history.

Ravikumar, who had earlier started as a Marxist-Leninist, was one of
the earliest members of this intellectually alert group. Self-made and
well-read, and defying classification in any one of the conventional
moulds of academic scholarship, he announced his arrival by publishing
in Tamil in-depth articles in little Dalit journals. These pieces are
now eminently translated into English by R. Azhagarasan and brought
out as a book with the title Venomous Touch: Notes on Caste, Culture
and Politics.

Revelation


In the 1990s, Ravikumar was largely responsible for the publication of
the still-then unknown Siddha doctor Pandit C. Ayodhya Dasa's
(1845-1914) collected works. It came as a revelation to many that such
a person had existed much earlier than Mahatma Phule, Dr. Ambedkar and
E.V. Ramaswamy. Dasa, in the true classical line of philosophical
dissenters that distinguished the Indian intellectual tradition from
the days of Carvaka and Buddha, repudiated the Manu Dharma that
created the caste hierarchy and aggressively canvassed for the total
emancipation of the Dalits.

Ravi says in the appendix of this book, “Iyothee Thass (Ayodhya Dasa)
is, perhaps, one among the several Dalit icons whose names have been
blacked out by mainstream history.” The biographical sketch of this
eminent Dalit, given by Ravi, tells us that he knew English, Sanskrit
and Pali. He strongly believed that Buddhism flourished in Tamil Nadu
before the advent of the later Cholas and a conspiracy of
circumstances, resulted in the decline of this non-Vedic religion.
Eventually, according to Dasa, the Buddhists were deprived of their
religion and they descended to the status of untouchables. It reads
like a speculative theory but does not seem improbable.

Ravikumar's approach to human issues befits his many-sided
personality, as is evident from the incident he narrates in this
anthology. As a Dalit intellectual and also as a as a human rights
activist, he raises this question why a metaphorical humiliation of a
Dalit icon should anger people more than the calculated murder of a
poor Dalit individual.

He instances a case where a young Dalit was killed in police custody.
It was cold-blooded murder and the Dalit organisations reacted to this
by formally organising roadblocks and rallies. All attempts by civil
liberty activists to get a post-mortem report to file a case properly
were of no avail and it lacked sufficient backing by the other Dalit
groups. '

Cultural crime


A few days later, a statue of Ambedkar was desecrated by some
miscreants in Tindivanam provoking violent riots all over the region.
In the police firing, one person died and several seriously injured.
Both pertain to a Dalit as well as a human issue. In one, a young man
met his tortuous death inpolice custody and, in the other, an abstract
or a ‘cultural' crime in the form garlanding the statue of an icon
with chappals.

Ravi asks: ‘Why is that the cultural sphere gains more significance
than the killing of a human being? How are we to understand the
meaning of the word ‘culture' here? Are the tools and methods
currently available to define and understand the term, sufficient in
the context of Dalit oppression?'

Such questions pertaining to a situation of existential dilemma can
never be satisfactorily answered.





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[ZESTCaste] Dalit students face fee crisis June 6th, 2010

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.deccanchronicle.com/chennai/dalit-students-face-fee-crisis-213

Dalit students face fee crisis June 6th, 2010
DC Correspondent

June 5: Poverty-stricken dalit students, pursuing their postgraduation
at the Rajiv Gandhi National Institute of Youth Development, have
accused the management of indulging in coercive practices, including
withholding the marksheets, to collect the tuition fee. The students
are on the verge of discontinuing their studies.

The institute, one of the 16 blacklisted deemed universities,
functioning near the Rajiv Gandhi memorial in Sriperumpudur, offers
postgraduation courses in five streams, including youth empowerment,
gender studies, life skill education, career counselling and local
governance.

According to the affected students, they had quit their jobs to join
the course following an announcement by the institute that dalit
students would be exempted from paying the tuition fee. “During the
last two semesters, the management did not ask us to pay the fees.
Only after the new director assumed office, the institute has started
demanding fees. If they had asked for fees earlier, we would not have
joined the course. All of us are first generation graduates, hailing
from very poor families. We have no choice but to discontinue the
course,” said a student requesting anonymity.

Pointing out that the institute’s brochure highlights the exemption of
SC and ST students from paying the fee, another student rued that they
could not apply for scholarship now as the time had lapsed.

“The management has withheld the results for the third semester. We
don’t know whether we have cleared all the papers. We are not in a
position to apply for re-examination even if we have failed,” a
student complained, adding that it was impossible to pay more than Rs
12,000 now. The students said the management had assured employment on
completion of the course besides providing free education. Nearly 30
aggrieved students were vexed with the attitude of the management and
are planning to complain to higher officials about the sudden change
in policy.





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[ZESTCaste] Shift The Target

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/opinion/edit-page/Shift-The-Target/articleshow/6017323.cms

Shift The Target
DIPANKAR GUPTA, Jun 7, 2010, 12.00am IST

The best way to fight poverty is not to plan for the poor. The moment
one singles them out for special services, absurdities, and worse,
begin to abound. This is especially true when their numbers are large.
Targeted policies work best when they are aimed at a small minority.
It is not possible to have special programmes that affect anything
between 50 and 70 per cent of the population. In which case, one might
as well have a revolution!

If that is a death wish no functioning republic would like to
entertain, it should think differently about poverty. As poor-seeking
programmes leave the better off untouched, they are always subnormal
in their performance. The famished have neither voice nor energy to
protest. Their bodies are just about stitched together.

This lesson should have been apparent from the fact that schools,
hospitals and food for the poor are always way below standard. Also,
poor-oriented services are a natural magnet for graft and corruption.
A study by the National Council of Applied Economic Research shows
that though ration shops are strictly for Below Poverty Line families,
not all their provisions go to the right address. A chunk regularly
finds its way to more affluent homes, year after year. In fact, N C
Saxena figures that 17.4 per cent of the richest quintile possesses
ration cards.

Yet, as the emphasis is always the targeted poor, we end up playing
with numbers. If poverty estimates were like batting averages, it
would roughly stand at 50 per cent. When Arjun Sengupta's committee is
at the crease the poverty figure touches 77 per cent, but when the
Planning Commission takes over it drops to roughly 29 per cent. Suresh
Tendulkar took the score up to 41 per cent and that seemed very
impressive till Saxena hit the average at 50 per cent. This would mean
half the country's population cannot purchase the minimum recommended
caloric requirements. Current consensus is around Saxena's finding for
it is believed Tendulkar probably doctored the pitch. He pegged the
minimum calorie intake at a level well below that posted by the Indian
Council of Medical Research.

But do we really need poverty statistics to tell us that India is
poor? How does it help if Sengupta is a bigger hitter than Tendulkar
or the Planning Commission? No matter which way you look at it,
between 10 and 15 crore families can barely feed themselves. If
Abhijit Sen is to be believed, about 80 per cent of rural India faces
chronic starvation. With numbers as large as this, can there be
special programmes for a targeted group?

As these initiatives for the poor do not affect the well-to-do, the
resources needed for them balk administrators. When the Tendulkar
committee announced the poverty figure at 41.9 per cent, the Planning
Commission and the ministries of finance and social welfare choked on
their tables. So much money would now have to be put away for those
other people who are not like us. The food subsidy would now cost Rs
47,917.62 crore and not 28,890.4 crore, as estimated earlier. That was
still high, but the government could probably live with it. Naturally,
when Saxena came up with 50 per cent, nobody in the administration
wanted to hear about it.

Such exercises with numbers don't really help when the targeted group
is almost the entire society. In such conditions, there are only two
options. Either we let revolutions step out of history books or we get
real about poverty eradication through democratic means. If it is to
be the latter, we can and should learn from prosperous states. Sweden,
Denmark, Finland, even Spain and Singapore, did not begin rich, but
became rich because they did not devise programmes for the poor. Their
emphasis was to frame policies that affected the entire society, and
not this or that section of it.

One could object to this suggestion by hiding behind our awesome
population figures. With a billion-plus on the census rolls, how could
we possibly look like Europe? Are we then destined to remain poor?
From Antyodaya to NREGA, our poverty rates keep spiking year after
year. Isn't it time we changed tack and started to think the way
prosperous societies do?

All across the western hemisphere, one finds more things in common
than differences. From public transportation to garbage disposal,
health to piped water or electricity, the similarities between rich
countries are striking. Children don't die of malnutrition, people
don't turn up late for work. Banks may crash in Iceland, even
volcanoes can go up in smoke, but babies will be born healthy and
hospitals will still be clean.

To look the way rich countries do, we must pay attention to their
processes and systems: the results come later. Where there are no
short cuts or package deals, poverty figures don't count. Affluent
societies have become what they are because they did not 

[ZESTCaste] Arrest of Dalit leader, wife as ‘Naxalites' condem ned

2010-06-07 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article447550.ece

Published: June 6, 2010 02:06 IST | Updated: June 6, 2010 04:37 IST
AHMEDABAD, June 6, 2010

Arrest of Dalit leader, wife as ‘Naxalites' condemned
Manas Dasgupta

Several voluntary organisations and “concerned citizens” fighting for
human rights have condemned the “indiscriminate” detention of some
human right activists and trade union leaders, branding them as
“Naxalites.”

“It has become an obsession with the Gujarat government and its police
to brand human right activists as Naxalites to stifle the voice of
protest by the poor and the downtrodden. The civil society need to
stand up against such undemocratic methods of the police to curb
dissensions against the government administration,” Mr. Hiren Gandhi,
director of “Darshan,” a voluntary organisation, noted human right
activist and advocate Girish Patel, and several others said here on
Tuesday.

They were particularly protesting against the detention earlier this
week of a Dalit leader, Ambubhai Vaghela Srinivas Sattayya Kurapati
alias Kishore, who hails from Andhra Pradesh, but has made Gujarat his
work place for the last eight years or so, and his young wife,
Hansaben.

“One can easily find holes in the police story of them being Naxalites
because the police do not even know that the 30-year old Hansaben is a
local Gujarati girl and does not hail from Andhra as claimed by the
police. The only crime of Hansa, an employee of the well-known
Self-Employed Women's Association (SEWA), was that she was a niece of
Ambubhai,” Mr. Gandhi said. Ambubhai, who worked as a computer
operator at Darshan for the last four years, had migrated to Surat
from a remote Andhra village years ago and Mr. Gandhi said he had
never seen him involved in any controversial activity during his
four-year association with him. The police, however, raided the
Darshan office in the wake of Ambubhai's arrest and took away a
computer.

Human rights activists said they knew Ambubhai very well; except
raising the voice of protest against communal disturbances and
fighting for the poor and the oppressed in Gomtipur and the
neighbouring labour-dominated localities through street theatres and
other cultural activities, Ambubhai had never participated in any
violent activities. “The detention of the three in the name of
Naxalite activities is the height of the police imagination and their
oppressive measures against the human right activists,” Mr. Patel
said.

Citing the arrest of tribal activist Avinash Kulkarni in Dangs more
than a month ago and is still languishing in jail despite protests by
the civil society, the human right activists expressed the
apprehension that after Darshan, the police planned to target all
voluntary organisations working for human rights. They believed that
the Narendra Modi administration was creating the bogey of “Maoism out
of thin air” to divert attention from the CBI investigation into the
Sohrabuddin and other fake encounters as well as the 2002 communal
riot cases that were taking the inquiry on the doorstep of top
political leaders in the State.

Valjibhai Vaghela, a close associate of Ambubhai, said people in
Gomtipur and its neighbourhood had decided to put up boards at all
houses “proclaiming themselves as Naxalites and getting ready to be
arrested to flood the jails” if this was the way the Gujarat police
wanted to stifle the voices of the downtrodden.





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