[ZESTCaste] When ignorance is convenient (Opinion)

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.livemint.com/2010/06/08215435/When-ignorance-is-convenient.html?h=B

Posted: Tue, Jun 8 2010. 9:54 PM IST
Views

When ignorance is convenient

It’s not the inclusion of caste data in the census, but what we make
of it, that defines political outcomes

Himanshu

The issue of counting caste in the population census has now been
referred to an empowered group of ministers (eGoM). This may be the
easier way of addressing the vertical split that this issue has
created among India’s major political parties (the Congress and the
Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP).

Interestingly, there is a parallel to this debate elsewhere—the case
of France, which prohibits by law any collection and maintenance of
data on race, ethnicity and religion ever since the Third Republic. As
a result, the French census is devoid of these classifications.
However, there has been a continuing debate to include these in the
census with overtones similar to the Indian case.

Two years ago, I was invited by the French government to visit that
country. One of the issues I decided to study was discrimination,
knowing well that there was no data that could help me understand the
level of discrimination in French society. More importantly, I wanted
to know how one goes about removing racial, ethnic and religious
discrimination without knowing its nature and extent.

The “colour blind” French are proud of the fact that their republic
treats everybody as equal without any reference to their race,
ethnicity and religion. But that is easier said than practised. The
movement for inclusion of race in the census is spearheaded by CRAN
(Conseil Representatif des Associations Noires, or the Representative
Council of Black Associations in France). According to the council’s
survey, 56% of blacks reported having suffered racial discrimination
in everyday life in 2007. Similar stories of discrimination were
reported by Muslims and immigrants in France, represented by higher
drop-out rates and low employment availability. The November 2005
riots were in many ways a reflection of the frustration and anger of
immigrants and similarly disadvantaged groups.



Illustration: Jayachandran/Mint

A decade ago, the response was to brush such statistics under the
carpet. That ignorance is bliss was best represented by the French
position. But things have started changing. By the 2007 presidential
election, when counting race in the census became an issue, most of
the political parties in the country had come around to the idea of
including race and religion in the census except for the socialists,
who feared the data might be used to target minorities.

More importantly, there is recognition of the problem at the least in
government circles. The Haute Autorité de Lutte contre les
Discriminations et pour l’Egalité (HALDE, The French Equal
Opportunities and Anti-Discrimination Commission) is an independent
statutory authority, established by law to fight discriminatory
practices.

Nonetheless, the problem remains. How do you counter discrimination
when there is no evidence of it in official statistics? That also
rules out affirmative policies as a means of fighting discrimination.
How do you achieve equality (one of the three tenets of the French
republic—liberty, fraternity and equality) of opportunity when you
have no idea what inequality is? The only way, then, is to be an
ostrich and behave as if everybody is equal.

The French solution is not acceptable in India’s democratic
framework—based on the explicit recognition of diversity, inequality
and constitutionally mandated instruments to eradicate them, such as
reservations. It was this recognition that led to the inclusion of
caste data for scheduled castes/scheduled tribes groups in the census.

It is obvious that a strategy for equality has to be based on a solid
diagnosis of inequality, its nature as well as dimensions. It is this
necessity that is being lost in the debate over the caste census.
Those who argue that this will lead to demands for affirmative action
(reservations such as in the Gujjar case) must also recognize that
such demands emanate and are accepted even in the absence of such
data. Wasn’t the other backward classes (OBC) reservation demanded and
accepted without any credible evidence? On the contrary, such data
have helped uncover evidence of inequality and discrimination. A good
example of this is the Sachar committee, which was successful in
highlighting the situation of Muslims. Could we have done this if
there was no data on religion? No. But, of course, it would have given
us the comfortable pretext of a working secularism. It is this fear of
accepting failure in providing equality that bothers most of us. The
fear is also that this truth will embolden OBC leaders in the populous
states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. What also hurts the BJP is the
inconvenient truth that these OBC leaders have used discrimination to
ally with similar disadvantaged groups such as Muslims.

But it is 

[ZESTCaste] Violence against Dalits on the rise

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.thehindu.com/2010/06/08/stories/2010060855820500.htm

Tamil Nadu - Salem

Violence against Dalits on the rise

R. Ilangovan



‘Special act needed to stop discrimination against Dalits'




SALEM: Violence against Dalits who want to worship in village temples
and participate in festivals, is on the rise.

The sudden spurt in violent incidents, particularly in Tamil months of
Masi, Chitrai and Vaikasi when a majority of the temples in the State
celebrate festivals, is being viewed by activists including the
CPI(M)'s Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front, as a disturbing
attempt.

The violence during the car festival of Sri Sakthi Kaliamman Temple at
Pottireddipatti village, in Namakkal district on May 24, had left
eight Dalits seriously injured.

A Dalit woman, Pappathi, who sustained a deep cut in the forehead in
the violence, says that Arunthathiyars built a temple of their own
since they were denied entry to the village temple by upper caste
Hindus.

Similarly, violence broke out on May 26 during the annual festival of
Sri Periya Mariamman Temple at Kannankurichi, near Salem. G. Suresh, a
Dalit was the chairman of the temple controlled by the HR and CE.

The police had to disperse upper caste Hindus and bring the temple
under lock and key.

Mr. Subash, a former headmaster, says the violence was unleashed by
people who could not tolerate him as the board chairman. “The entire
village, however, support me,” he says.


Houses damaged

On March 28, houses of 10 Dalits were damaged following clashes during
the festival of Sri Santhapettai Selliamman Temple at Sankagiri.
Dhandapani, a Dalit, was attacked when he attended the Samabandhi
bojan at a temple at Karamadai, near Mettupalayam.

Huts of Dalits were burnt when violence broke out at the temple
festival in T. Edayapatti village in Karur taluk during 2008.

A recent study on Dalits being discriminated against in temples in 85
village panchayats in southern districts by the Madurai-based
‘Evidence' says that since May 2009 Dalits are being denied entry into
temples in 69 village panchayats.

Temple cars would not be drawn inside Dalit colonies in 54 panchayats.
Clashes were reported from 49 panchayats during festivals.

‘Evidence' wants the government to enact a special act to end the
discrimination against Dalits at places of worship and ensure them the
right to worship.





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[ZESTCaste] Dalit sarpanch ostracized for contesting poll

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/Dalit-sarpanch-ostracized-for-contesting-poll/articleshow/6025933.cms

Dalit sarpanch ostracized for contesting poll

Deepender Deswal, TNN, Jun 9, 2010, 02.33am IST

ROHTAK: Bhoop Singh, a brick kiln worker in Army chief V K Singh's
village in Bhiwani district, could be walking proud. Afterall, a
Scheduled Caste sarpanch is a rarity in this socially conservative,
caste-conscious jat belt.

But Bhoop Singh now moves sleathily with armed escorts provided by the
state administration to protect him from the upper caste community
leaders of Bapora village who insist that all major panchayat and zila
parishad posts were wrongly reserved for SCs. The upper caste leaders
had forced most villagers to boycott Monday's local election and say
they won't recognize the lower caste man as the village panchayat
head.

Soon after Bhoop Singh was elected unopposed on Monday, villager
elders held a meeting and issued a fiat ordering residents to
ostracize Singh and his family. Villagers said they were told not to
talk or have any relations with the family of the new sarpanch.

''We have decided not to keep any with relations his family and we
have decided not to acknowledge him as sarpanch of the village,'' said
Mitersein, a villager.

Bhoop Singh could not be reached for comment. A villager said he had
not been seen in the village since May 27 after the village elders
held a meeting and resolved to boycott the local election.


[ZESTCaste] Maya’s googly stumps BSP, rivals alike

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/mayas-googly-stumps-bsp-rivals-alike/631408/

Maya’s googly stumps BSP, rivals alike
Sanjay Singh Posted: Jun 09, 2010 at 0339 hrs

Lucknow Chief Minister Mayawati’s decision to not let her party BSP
take part in Assembly and Lok Sabha bypolls till 2012 has put both her
partymen and the Opposition at their wits’ end.
Bypolls are regarded as a test of a government’s popularity. With the
ruling party staying away, the Opposition parties wonder who will they
fight. BSP leaders, on the other hand, are left guessing what the
party would gain by the decision.

Mayawati, who made the announcement after the BSP’s victory in the
Domariyaganj bypoll on Monday, said the BSP would now concentrate on
the next Assembly elections, due in 2012. Bypolls for Lakhimpur and
Nidhauli Kalan Assembly seats are likely to be held soon, necessitated
by the deaths of two SP MLAs, Kaushal Kishore and Anil Yadav.

BSP insiders say Mayawati took the decision because bypolls disrupt
her normal work schedule since political preparations begin much in
advance. Also, since most of the ministers are involved in the
campaign, it also affects the government.

Since the last Lok Sabha elections, held in May 2009, the state has
seen 16 Assembly bypolls. As many as four of these were held in August
last year,

11 in November and now the one in Domariyaganj.

Many in the party, however, feel this may prove counter-productive. If
a political party stays away from elections, it may send out a wrong
signal to the people, said a BSP leader. Besides, what will the BSP
workers do at the time of bypolls?

As for the Opposition, it’s yet to gather its wits. “Who will we
target in the bypolls?” said Samajwadi Party spokesman Mohan Singh,
though he said he doubted Mayawati would stick to her decision. “Wait
and watch. I think she would field her candidates,” he said.

BJP state president Surya Pratap Shahi was puzzled too. “How can she
abstain from bypolls? She is first accountable to the people of the
state. She cannot stay away from bypolls on the plea that she wants to
spend her time strengthening her party.”

State Congress president Rita Bahuguna Joshi, who had had many a
skirmish with the BSP chief in the past, doubted Mayawati’s
intentions. “She has no confidence to face people. You can’t use same
tricks in all the bypolls. The Opposition parties are now fully aware
of her tricks and are also in position to counter them.”





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[ZESTCaste] The agony & the ajaat (P. Sainath)

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.thehindu.com/2010/06/04/stories/2010060455241300.htm

Opinion - News Analysis

The agony & the ajaat

P. Sainath


“CASTE IS EVERYTHING”: Chaitanya Prabhu and Shyam Maharaj, the
surviving grandsons of ajaat founder Ganpati Maharaj, at Shyam's house
in Mangrul (Dastgir) village of Amravati district.

Amitabh Bachchan says that if ever asked about his caste by Census
enumerators, his answer would be: Caste – Indian. That, of course,
would do little more than stoke the media's bollywood feeding frenzy
yet again. Shyam Maharaj is no Bachchan. Nor is his brother, Chaitanya
Prabhu. But they and the followers of their fraternity will likely
throw up far more complex answers — and questions — if Census
enumerators do finally pop that query on caste. “Our answer: we are
ajaat. Here is my school leaving certificate to prove that. But you
can write what you like,” Prabhu tells us at his house in Mangrul
(Dastgir) village of Amravati district.

Ajaat: this literally means ones without caste. The ajaat was a bold
social movement of the 1920s and '30s that at its peak had tens of
thousands of committed followers in what are present-day Maharashtra,
Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. It was led by the colourful and
eccentric social reformer Ganpati Bhabhutkar better known as Ganpati
Maharaj. Chaitanya Prabhu and Shyam Maharaj are his surviving
grandsons. Apart from the usual anti-liquor and anti-violence norms of
such movements, Ganpati Maharaj threw in others. He attacked caste
frontally. Many stopped idol worship at his call. He pressed for
gender equality and even railed against private property. And, in the
1930s, he and his followers declared themselves as ‘ ajaat.'

His inter-caste dining drive raised hackles in the villages he worked
in. As one of his disciples P. L. Nimkar put it: “he would ask his
followers from all castes to bring cooked food from their homes. This,
he would mix up totally and distribute the mix as prasad.” Caste was
his great target. “Inter-caste weddings and widow remarriage — that's
what he sought and achieved,” says Prabhu. “In our own family, from
granddad to us, we married into eleven different castes, from brahmins
to dalits. In our extended family there have been scores of such
weddings. Ganpati Maharaj himself had such a marriage.” He also
“created the religion of ‘ maanav' (humanity) and opened the temple
here to dalits, offending the upper castes,” says Shyam Maharaj. “They
filed cases against him and no one would touch his case. All the
vakils here at the time were brahmins.”

The movement waned over years, as some followers left on the caste
issue, and with its Gurus's death in 1944. (He is buried at a
community centre he built here decades ago, just opposite Prabhu's
home). Still, it remained known and respected for some time after
independence. “See my school leaving certificate,” says Prabhu,
showing it to us. “As late as the 1960s, even the ‘70s, we still got
certificates calling us ajaat. Now, schools and colleges say they've
never heard of us and won't give our children admission.” The
surviving ajaat are not doing too well. Shyam and Prabhu just about
make ends meet as petty agricultural traders.

Forgotten by the late ‘70s, the ajaat were re-discovered some years
ago by Nagpur journalists Atul Pandey and Jaideep Hardikar who wrote
about their plight in Marathi and English respectively. Their reports
sparked a Maharashtra government move to help them. But that died with
the exit of the one senior official who had shown interest in the
matter.

Ajaat candidates can't contest panchayat polls. Poll officials refuse
to accept their forms — which state no caste. “ Ajaat folk can't get
ration cards without a huge struggle,” says Prabhu. College
admissions, scholarships and government jobs elude them for the same
reasons. Other villagers won't marry into these families now as their
caste status lacks clarity. In short, the followers of a once proud
anti-caste reform movement have been reduced to a couple of thousand
people viewed as something like a caste themselves.

“My niece Sunaina could not get into college,” says Prabhu. “The
college said: ‘we don't recognise this ajaat. Bring us a proper caste
certificate and we'll admit her'.” His nephew Manoj who did finally
make it to college says: “They treat us as an oddity there. There were
no scholarships for any of us. No one there believes such a thing as
ajaat exists.” A restless younger generation feels imprisoned by the
past. Many of the ajaat, including Prabhu's family, have faced the
ignominy of having to trace out an ancestor whose caste could be
clearly proven.

“Imagine our humiliation,” he says. “We have to take out caste
certificates for our children.” Not easy, given the generations of
inter-caste marriages these families have seen. And even the ledger of
the village kotwal lists them as ‘ ajaat.' Some have had to trace a
great grandfather whose caste could be established. “To recover and
rebuild those old record

[ZESTCaste] BSP MLA's kin kill Dalit

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.financialexpress.com/news/BSP-MLA--s-kin-kill-Dalit/631004/#

BSP MLA's kin kill Dalit
Agencies
Posted online: Jun 08, 2010 at 1219 hrs

BalliaThree persons, including the relatives of a BSP MLA, were on
Monday arrested here for allegedly beating a Dalit youth to death
after he attended a wedding function, defying a diktat, police said.

Tribhuvan and Laxman, cousin brothers of BSP MLA and former minister
Ghuraram, and Shobha Devi were held on the charges of killing Direndra
Kumar on Saturday night, Deputy Superintendent of Police B N Tiwari
said.

Dhirendra's family, which had been "socially boycotted" some years
ago, had earlier lodged a complaint accusing the BSP MLA of conspiring
in the murder, he said.

Earlier, police said the victim went to attend a marriage function
Saturday night and some villagers attacked him in order to teach a
lesson.

However, some persons had lodged a complaint alleging that the attack
was in retaliation to rape of a 15-year-old girl allegedly by
Dhirendra and his two associates.


[ZESTCaste] Fellowships for Dalit Professionals

2010-06-09 Thread CHITTIBABU PADAVALA
 Fellowship for Dalit Professionals
 Dalit Foundation, New Delhi
 Location: Anywhere in India
 Last Date: June 20, 2010
 Email: fundrais...@dalitfoundation.org


 About Dalit Foundation: Dalit Foundation is a non-government
organization, the first grant-making institution in south Asia working
for the empowerment of Dalit communities. Established in June 2003,
the Foundation’s mission, vision and programme objectives focus
exclusively on empowerment of Dalit communities and eradication of
caste based discrimination. It is committed to support individuals,
community-based organizations, and networks that work to secure social
change and protect the rights of Dalits.

Dalit Foundation provides small grants and fellowships to individuals
and organizations working among Dalits in India. The focus areas are
combating caste violence, eradication of manual scavenging, building
leadership among Dalit women and youth, rights over natural resources,
health and education, etc. The aim is to build the capacity of our
partners in order to execute effective grass-root level interventions.

We are also committed to building a strong line of leadership for the
Dalit movement and promoting Dalit art and culture through our various
other programmes including the Fellowship Programme for Dalit
Professionals.

About the Fellowship
In order to increase the participation of Dalit students and
professionals in the Dalit Movement, Dalit Foundation awards
fellowships to dynamic Dalit professionals from the fields of
engineering, law, medicine and journalism. As part of the fellowship,
the selected candidates will be required to carry out the following
activities:

• Development of a comprehensive data base of Dalit Professionals from
all across the country and from leading professional fields
• Establishment of support and counselling groups for Dalit students
in leading professionals institutes of the country
• Establishment of a network of professionals in each of the four
zones (North, South, East and West), with a cadre of 20 professionals
for each zonal group
• Formation of a national level core group


Criteria for selection:
1. The person who has completed Master’s studies from the respective field.
2. The person who has strong motivation and record of such initiative
during the campus life.
3. The person who is not an office bearer of any political party.
4. The female candidates to be given priority.
5. The person has the capability to do such work.

Period of fellowship: Shall be one year and it can be continued based
on performance.

Fellowship amount: Rs. 1/- per month






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[ZESTCaste] ‘Does everyone keep track of UP’s Dalit castes t he way they do in the case of Bihar?’

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/-Does-everyone-keep-track-of-UP-s-Dalit-castes-the-way-they-do-in-the-case-of-Bihar-/631310/

‘Does everyone keep track of UP’s Dalit castes the way they do in the
case of Bihar?’
Vandita Mishra Posted online: Wed Jun 09 2010, 01:27 hrs

Madhepura : He's been in poll mode almost ever since he’s been in
power. The ongoing Vishwas Yatra is his fifth in four-and-a-half
years. Nitish Kumar uses this latest yatra to showcase his
government’s record and to dole out new schemes in an election year.
In the corridors of Patna’s secretariat, awed stories do the rounds
about how this Chief Minister puts in 8-10 hours in a sitting, parses
the commas, looks at a 10-page document and spots mistake in line 13.
On his yatra, he travels with the image of a chief minister immersed
in detail.

Nitish Kumar evidently revels in this. “I hear every voice, howsoever
distant, and then I reflect and take a decision. I am going away now
to the district headquarters where I will spend several hours
assessing the area’s problems,” he says as he takes leave of his
audience at the village meeting in Jorgama, during the yatra in
Madhepura.

Later, in an interview to The Indian Express, he narrates an instance:
“In my last tour through the state, the Vikas Yatra, a disabled child
came up to me. I was told that he didn’t get the disability pension
because he was under 18 years. I went back to Patna and changed the
requirement. Now, all are entitled to it. Then, I was told that the
disability certificate can only be issued by a civil surgeon. I
changed that as well. Now it can be issued by the doctor at the
primary health centre. Earlier, the collector would dole out the
pension. Now, the SDO can do it.” These are “micro-level”
implementation issues for which “I try and find a way out”, he says.

The Chief Minister is most at home surrounded by his team of
bureaucrats, a number of whom he ferries with him to the district on
his yatra to showcase on the dais when he makes his speeches. But the
politician has sensed the clamour building from below. Across the
poll-bound state, there is increasingly audible criticism of what many
call afsar shahi, or the perceived rule of the bureaucrat in Nitish’s
Bihar.

In his recent speeches, Nitish pointedly addresses allegations of
increased corruption in the lower bureaucracy. Corrupt bureaucrats
will not be spared, he says. He plays to the gallery in Madhepura: “I
ask my IAS officers, if you are so qualified, so intelligent, and
you’ve come in through the UPSC, then how come a petty village thug
can subvert your schemes?”

He has set up a trial system for public servants under the Bihar
Special Courts Act, he tells the Express. “This is through an
amendment last year of the Prevention of Corruption Act. There will be
designated courts with two provisions — one, a time-bound trial, and
two, if the government finds ill-gotten property, it can be
confiscated by a designated authority. When these courts begin working
in the next one year, there will be an impact,” he says.

But as elections draw closer, when faced with criticism of his
government on most other counts, the much-awarded Chief Minister is
surprisingly testy, and ill at ease. Two questions, or two criticisms,
agitate Nitish Kumar especially.

One, the suggestion that his government has been able to deliver in
the state in part because he was better placed than his predecessor in
terms of financial assistance from the Centre. Incidentally, this is
the thrust of the anti-Nitish campaign being conducted by JD(U)
dissidents and the Opposition in election year. It is finding echoes
in Bihar’s streets, where it often translates into a hard-nosed
questioning of the Nitish government’s achievements vis-a-vis the role
of Central largesse in Bihar’s recent development, especially in the
building of roads. And two, the bataidari issue.

On the first, the role of the Centre versus the state in Bihar’s
development, Nitish counters: “What does the Centre give us? Is there
any Bihar-specific scheme?”

Bihar’s plan size has grown from about Rs 4,000 crore to Rs 20,000
crore, he says. But, of this, “70 per cent is made up of our own
resources and our borrowing; and only 30 per cent is plan assistance
from the Centre which is formula-driven. We’re not going to be
grateful to the Centre for that!” On the contrary, he claims that the
Centre has withheld funds for relief for the Kosi-affected, and the
state has had to pitch in its own funds to repair the national
highways. “The national highways are more visible, so if the Centre is
tardy in sanctioning the money, I have to do it. Or else, what will
everyone say?”

On the second issue of the “bataidari” fears spreading in the
countryside among the upper castes, sparked off by a
government-appointed commission’s proposals on land reform, Nitish is
unyielding. “This is not an issue, this is a ghost. I will not discuss
it,” he says. His government has put the 2008 land reforms repor

[ZESTCaste] Indian Village Burned by Upper Caste and Police: Two Dead

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.groundreport.com/World/Indian-Village-Burned-by-Upper-Caste-and-Police-Tw/2924565

Indian Village Burned by Upper Caste and Police: Two Dead
by  William WattJune 08, 2010



"Do the poor have no right to live?" exclaimed Jaswant, a local Indian
of the village Mirjpur.  Mirjpur recently had 20 houses burnt to the
ground by the Jat Community and experienced zero support from local
officers.



In fact, local officers were seen that night lounging in the houses of
the Jats.  Some even stood aside as the houses were burned before
their eyes.  There is great speculation that the police might have
actually deployed several of the groups responsible for the carnage.



Having said that, the Jats have been increasingly more violent in the
Hissar district of India.  As of late, they burned houses in Dulina,
Salvan, and now Mirjpur village.  Of the three burnings only Mirjpur
has experienced fatalities.



Two people died in the last carnage.  A man and his disabled daughter
were burned alive in their home.  A survivor of the incident, the
deceased man's son, was interviewed by IndiaUnheard correspondent,
Amit Kumar.



The man describes the means by which the Jats burned the houses, and
his despair is felt through the screen as he shows the wreckage of his
old home.



Jaswant explains that the Jats have been acting increasingly violent
to try and prevent the Dalit and Valmiki communities (lower castes)
from gaining equal rights.  "They want us to be their slaves.  This is
the only reason for this carnage."



The Dalit and Valmiki communities aren't experiencing relief from the
government, who makes false promises of justice to silence their cries
for help.



Standing tall to the camera, Jaswant speaks, "We want the government
to punish the culprits, and book the officers under section
302-SC/ST."



Knowing your rights is a first step, but in a society that depends on
the authority of a lackadaisical government, it is hard to imagine
Jaswant or Mirjpur village will ever see proper justice for this
incident.



To learn more about this story and to explore the hidden truth's
behind India's caste system, watch this short video.
http://indiaunheard.videovolunteers.org/amit/caste-violence-in-haryana/


[ZESTCaste] BSP MLA's kin kill Dalit

2010-06-09 Thread Siddhartha Kumar
http://www.financialexpress.com/news/bsp-mlas-kin-kill-dalit/631004/

BSP MLA's kin kill Dalit
Agencies
Posted online: Jun 08, 2010 at 1219 hrs

BalliaThree persons, including the relatives of a BSP MLA, were on
Monday arrested here for allegedly beating a Dalit youth to death
after he attended a wedding function, defying a diktat, police said.

Tribhuvan and Laxman, cousin brothers of BSP MLA and former minister
Ghuraram, and Shobha Devi were held on the charges of killing Direndra
Kumar on Saturday night, Deputy Superintendent of Police B N Tiwari
said.

Dhirendra's family, which had been "socially boycotted" some years
ago, had earlier lodged a complaint accusing the BSP MLA of conspiring
in the murder, he said.

Earlier, police said the victim went to attend a marriage function
Saturday night and some villagers attacked him in order to teach a
lesson.

However, some persons had lodged a complaint alleging that the attack
was in retaliation to rape of a 15-year-old girl allegedly by
Dhirendra and his two associates.