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http://www.guardian.co.uk/g2/story/0,3604,707835,00.html
'They raped every German female from eight to 80'

Antony Beevor, author of the acclaimed new book about the fall of
Berlin, on a massive war crime committed by the victorious Red
Army.

Wednesday May 1, 2002
The Guardian

  "Red Army soldiers don't believe in 'individual liaisons' with
German women," wrote the playwright Zakhar Agranenko in his diary
when serving as an officer of marine infantry in East Prussia.
"Nine, ten, twelve men at a time - they rape them on a collective
basis."

  The Soviet armies advancing into East Prussia in January 1945, in
huge, long columns, were an extraordinary mixture of modern and
medieval: tank troops in padded black helmets, Cossack cavalrymen
on shaggy mounts with loot strapped to the saddle, lend-lease
Studebakers and Dodges towing light field guns, and then a second
echelon in horse-drawn carts. The variety of character among the
soldiers was almost as great as that of their military equipment.
There were freebooters who drank and raped quite shamelessly, and
there were idealistic, austere communists and members of the
intelligentsia appalled by such behaviour.

  Beria and Stalin, back in Moscow, knew perfectly well what was
going on from a number of detailed reports. One stated that "many
Germans declare that all German women in East Prussia who stayed
behind were raped by Red Army soldiers". Numerous examples of gang
rape were given - "girls under 18 and old women included".

  Marshal Rokossovsky issued order No 006 in an attempt to direct
"the feelings of hatred at fighting the enemy on the battlefield."
It appears to have had little effect. There were also a few
arbitrary attempts to exert authority. The commander of one rifle
division is said to have "personally shot a lieutenant who was
lining up a group of his men before a German woman spreadeagled on
the ground". But either officers were involved themselves, or the
lack of discipline made it too dangerous to restore order over
drunken soldiers armed with submachine guns.

  Calls to avenge the Motherland, violated by the Wehrmacht's
invasion, had given the idea that almost any cruelty would be
allowed. Even many young women soldiers and medical staff in the
Red Army did not appear to disapprove. "Our soldiers' behaviour
towards Germans, particularly German women, is absolutely
correct!" said a 21-year-old from Agranenko's reconnaissance
detachment. A number seemed to find it amusing. Several German
women recorded how Soviet servicewomen watched and laughed when
they were raped. But some women were deeply shaken by what they
witnessed in Germany. Natalya Gesse, a close friend of the
scientist Andrei Sakharov, had observed the Red Army in action in
1945 as a Soviet war correspondent. "The Russian soldiers were
raping every German female from eight to eighty," she recounted
later. "It was an army of rapists."

  Drink of every variety, including dangerous chemicals seized from
laboratories and workshops, was a major factor in the violence. It
seems as if Soviet soldiers needed alcoholic courage to attack a
woman. But then, all too often, they drank too much and, unable to
complete the act, used the bottle instead with appalling effect. A
number of victims were mutilated obscenely.

  The subject of the Red Army's mass rapes in Germany has been so
repressed in Russia that even today veterans refuse to acknowledge
what really happened. The handful prepared to speak openly,
however, are totally unrepentant. "They all lifted their skirts
for us and lay on the bed," said the leader of one tank company.
He even went on to boast that "two million of our children were
born" in Germany.

  The capacity of Soviet officers to convince themselves that most
of the victims were either happy with their fate, or at least
accepted that it was their turn to suffer after what the Wehrmacht
had done in Russia, is striking. "Our fellows were so
sex-starved," a Soviet major told a British journalist at the
time, "that they often raped old women of sixty, seventy or even
eighty - much to these grandmothers' surprise, if not downright
delight."

  One can only scratch at the surface of the psychological
contradictions. When gang-raped women in Königsberg begged their
attackers afterwards to put them out of their misery, the Red Army
men appear to have felt insulted. "Russian soldiers do not shoot
women," they replied. "Only German soldiers do that." The Red Army
had managed to convince itself that because it had assumed the
moral mission to liberate Europe from fascism it could behave
entirely as it liked, both personally and politically.

  Domination and humiliation permeated most soldiers' treatment of
women in East Prussia. The victims not only bore the brunt of
revenge for Wehrmacht crimes, they also represented an atavistic
target as old as war itself. Rape is the act of a conqueror, the
feminist historian Susan Brownmiller observed, aimed at the
"bodies of the defeated enemy's women" to emphasise his victory.
Yet after the initial fury of January 1945 dissipated, the sadism
became less marked. By the time the Red Army reached Berlin three
months later, its soldiers tended to regard German women more as a
casual right of conquest. The sense of domination certainly
continued, but this was perhaps partly an indirect product of the
humiliations which they themselves had suffered at the hands of
their commanders and the Soviet authorities as a whole.

  A number of other forces or influences were at work. Sexual
freedom had been a subject for lively debate within Communist
party circles during the 1920s, but during the following decade,
Stalin ensured that Soviet society depicted itself as virtually
asexual. This had nothing to do with genuine puritanism: it was
because love and sex did not fit in with dogma designed to
"deindividualise" the individual. Human urges and emotions had to
be suppressed. Freud's work was banned, divorce and adultery were
matters for strong party disapproval. Criminal sanctions against
homosexuality were reintroduced. The new doctrine extended even to
the complete suppression of sex education. In graphic art, the
clothed outline of a woman's breasts was regarded as dangerously
erotic. They had to be disguised under boiler suits. The regime
clearly wanted any form of desire to be converted into love for
the party and above all for Comrade Stalin.

  Most ill-educated Red Army soldiers suffered from sexual ignorance
and utterly unenlightened attitudes towards women. So the Soviet
state's attempts to suppress the libido of its people created what
one Russian writer described as a sort of "barracks eroticism"
which was far more primitive and violent than "the most sordid
foreign pornography". All this was combined with the dehumanising
influence of modern propaganda and the atavistic, warring impulses
of men marked by fear and suffering.

  The novelist Vasily Grossman, a war correspondent attached to the
invading Red Army, soon discovered that rape victims were not just
Germans. Polish women also suffered. So did young Russian,
Belorussian and Ukrainian women who had been sent back to Germany
by the Wehrmacht for slave labour. "Liberated Soviet girls quite
often complain that our soldiers rape them," he noted. "One girl
said to me in tears: 'He was an old man, older than my father'."

  The rape of Soviet women and girls seriously undermines Russian
attempts to justify Red Army behaviour on the grounds of revenge
for German brutality in the Soviet Union. On March 29 1945 the
central committee of the Komsomol (the youth organisation of the
Soviet Union) informed Stalin's associate Malenkov of a report
from the 1st Ukrainian Front. "On the night of 24 February,"
General Tsygankov recorded in the first of many examples, "a group
of 35 provisional lieutenants on a course and their battalion
commander entered the women's dormitory in the village of
Grutenberg and raped them."

  In Berlin, many women were simply not prepared for the shock of
Russian revenge, however much horror propaganda they had heard
from Goebbels. Many reassured themselves that, although the danger
must be great out in the countryside, mass rapes could hardly take
place in the city in front of everybody.

  In Dahlem, Soviet officers visited Sister Kunigunde, the mother
superior of Haus Dahlem, a maternity clinic and orphanage. The
officers and their men behaved impeccably. In fact, the officers
even warned Sister Kunigunde about the second-line troops
following on behind. Their prediction proved entirely accurate.
Nuns, young girls, old women, pregnant women and mothers who had
just given birth were all raped without pity.

  Yet within a couple of days, a pattern emerged of soldiers
flashing torches in the faces of women huddled in the bunkers to
choose their victims. This process of selection, as opposed to the
indiscriminate violence shown earlier, indicates a definite
change. By this stage Soviet soldiers started to treat German
women more as sexual spoils of war than as substitutes for the
Wehrmacht on which to vent their rage.

  Rape has often been defined by writers on the subject as an act of
violence which has little to do with sex. But that is a definition
from the victim's perspective. To understand the crime, one needs
to see things from the perpetrator's point of view, especially in
the later stages when unaggravated rape had succeeded the extreme
onslaught of January and February.

  Many women found themselves forced to "concede" to one soldier in
the hope that he would protect them from others. Magda Wieland, a
24-year-old actress, was dragged from a cupboard in her apartment
just off the Kurfürstendamm. A very young soldier from central
Asia hauled her out. He was so excited at the prospect of a
beautiful young blonde that he ejaculated prematurely. By sign
language, she offered herself to him as a girlfriend if he would
protect her from other Russian soldiers, but he went off to boast
to his comrades and another soldier raped her. Ellen Goetz, a
Jewish friend of Magda's, was also raped. When other Germans tried
to explain to the Russians that she was Jewish and had been
persecuted, they received the retort: "Frau ist Frau."

  Women soon learned to disappear during the "hunting hours" of the
evening. Young daughters were hidden in storage lofts for days on
end. Mothers emerged into the street to fetch water only in the
early morning when Soviet soldiers were sleeping off the alcohol
from the night before. Sometimes the greatest danger came from one
mother giving away the hiding place of other girls in a desperate
bid to save her own daughter. Older Berliners still remember the
screams every night. It was impossible not to hear them because
all the windows had been blown in.

  Estimates of rape victims from the city's two main hospitals
ranged from 95,000 to 130,000. One doctor deduced that out of
approximately 100,000 women raped in the city, some 10,000 died as
a result, mostly from suicide. The death rate was thought to have
been much higher among the 1.4 million estimated victims in East
Prussia, Pomerania and Silesia. Altogether at least two million
German women are thought to have been raped, and a substantial
minority, if not a majority, appear to have suffered multiple
rape.

  If anyone attempted to defend a woman against a Soviet attacker it
was either a father trying to defend a daughter or a young son
trying to protect his mother. "The 13-year old Dieter Sahl,"
neighbours wrote in a letter shortly after the event, "threw
himself with flailing fists at a Russian who was raping his mother
in front of him. He did not succeed in anything except getting
himself shot."

  After the second stage of women offering themselves to one soldier
to save themselves from others, came the post-battle need to
survive starvation. Susan Brownmiller noted "the murky line that
divides wartime rape from wartime prostitution". Soon after the
surrender in Berlin, Ursula von Kardorff found all sorts of women
prostituting themselves for food or the alternative currency of
cigarettes. Helke Sander, a German film-maker who researched the
subject in great detail, wrote of "the grey area of direct force,
blackmail, calculation and real affection".

  The fourth stage was a strange form of cohabitation in which Red
Army officers settled in with German "occupation wives". The
Soviet authorities were appalled and enraged when a number of Red
Army officers, intent on staying with their German lovers,
deserted when it was time to return to the Motherland.

  Even if the feminist definition of rape purely as an act of
violence proves to be simplistic, there is no justification for
male complacency. If anything, the events of 1945 reveal how thin
the veneer of civilisation can be when there is little fear of
retribution. It also suggests a much darker side to male sexuality
than we might care to admit.
_______________
© Antony Beevor
http://www.antonybeevor.com

· Berlin: The Downfall 1945 is published by Viking Penguin. To
order it for £22 plus p&p call the Guardian book service on 0870
066 7979. The BBC Timewatch film about researching the book will
be shown on BBC2 at 9pm on May 10.


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