HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---------------------------
Hmmm?? Just a complete and total coincidence I'm sure. Despite irrefutable
proof to the contrary, America's greed and lust for oil couldn't have been the real
reason for this war?? Could it???
mart

----- Original Message -----
From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Thursday, January 03, 2002 9:03 PM
Subject: [PeaceNoWar] Oil company adviser named US representative to
Afghanistan


 Oil company adviser named US representative to Afghanistan
 By Patrick Martin
 3 January 2002

 http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/jan2002/oil-j03.shtml

President Bush has appointed a former aide to the American
oil  company Unocal, Afghan-born Zalmay Khalilzad, as special
envoy to  Afghanistan. The nomination was announced December
31, nine days  after the US-backed interim government of Hamid
Karzai took office  in Kabul.

 The nomination underscores the real economic and financial
 interests at stake in the US military intervention in Central Asia.
 Khalilzad is intimately involved in the long-running US efforts to
 obtain direct access to the oil and gas resources of the region,
 largely unexploited but believed to be the second largest in the
 world after the Persian Gulf.

 As an adviser for Unocal, Khalilzad drew up a risk
analysis of a  proposed gas pipeline from the former
Soviet republic of  Turkmenistan across Afghanistan
and Pakistan to the Indian Ocean.  He participated
in talks between the oil company and Taliban  officials
in 1997, which were aimed at implementing a 1995
 agreement to build the pipeline across western
Afghanistan.

 Unocal was the lead company in the formation
of the Centgas  consortium, whose purpose was
to bring to market natural gas from  the Dauletabad
 Field in southeastern Turkmenistan, one of the
 world’s largest. The $2 billion project involved a
48-inch diameter  pipeline from the
Afghanistan-Turkmenistan border, passing near
the  cities of Herat and Kandahar, crossing into
Pakistan near Quetta  and linking with existing
pipelines at Multan. An additional $600  million
extension to India was also under consideration.

 Khalilzad also lobbied publicly for a more
sympathetic US  government policy towards
the Taliban. Four years ago, in an op-ed 
article in the Washington Post, he defended
theTaliban regime  against accusations that it
was a sponsor of terrorism, writing,  “The
Taliban does not practice the anti-U.S. style
of  fundamentalism practiced by Iran.”

 “We should ... be willing to offer recognition
and humanitarian  assistance and to promote
international economic reconstruction,”  he
declared. “It is time for the United States to
reengage” the  Afghan regime. This
“reengagement” would, of course, have been
 enormously profitable to Unocal, which was
otherwise unable to  bring gas and oil to market
from landlocked Turkmenistan.

 Khalilzad only shifted his position on the Taliban
after the  Clinton administration fired cruise missiles
at targets in  Afghanistan in August 1998, claiming
that terrorists under  the  direction of Afghan-based
Osama bin Laden were responsible for  bombing US
embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. One day after
the  attack, Unocal put Centgas on hold. Two months
later it abandoned all plans for a trans-Afghan pipeline.
The oil interests began to  look towards a post-Taliban
Afghanistan, and so did their  representatives in the
US national security establishment.


Liasion to Islamic guerrillas

Born in Mazar-e Sharif in 1951, Khalilzad hails
from the old ruling  elite of Afghanistan. His father
was an aide to King Zahir Shah,  who ruled the
country until 1973. Khalilzad was a graduate
student at the University of Chicago, an intellectual
center for the  American right-wing, when the Soviet
Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979.  Khalilzad
became an American citizen, while serving as a
key link between US imperialism and the Islamic
fundamentalist mujahedin  fighting the Soviet
backed regime in Kabul—the  milieu out of which 
both the Taliban and bin Laden’s Al Qaeda group
arose. He was a special adviser to the State
Department during the Reagan administration,
lobbying successfully for accelerated US military  
aid to the mujahedin, including hand-held
Stinger anti-aircraft  missiles which played a key
role in the war. He later became  undersecretary
of defense in the administration of Bush’s father,  
during the US war against Iraq, then went to the
Rand Corporation,  a top US military think tank.

 After Bush was installed as president by a 5-4
vote of the US  Supreme Court, Khalilzad headed
the Bush-Cheney transition team for the Defense
Department and advised incoming Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.Significantly, however,
he was not named to a  subcabinet position, which
would have required Senate confirmation  and might
have provoked uncomfortable questions about his
role as an oil company adviser in Central Asia and
intermediary with the Taliban. Instead, he was named
to the National Security Council,  where no
confirmation vote was needed.

At the NSC Khalilzad reports to Condoleeza Rice,
the national security adviser, who also served as
an oil company consultant on  Central Asia. After
serving in the first Bush administration from 1989
to 1992, Rice was placed on the board of directors
of Chevron Corporation and served as its principal
expert on Kazakhstan, where Chevron holds the l
argest concession of any of the international oil 
companies. The oil industry connections of Bush
and Cheney are well known, but little has been said
in the  media about the prominent role being played
in Afghan policy by officials who advised the oil
industry on Central Asia.

 One of the few commentaries in the America
media about this aspect  of the US military
campaign appeared in the San Francisco
Chronicle  last September 26. Staff writer
Frank Viviano observed: “The hidden  stakes
in the war against terrorism can be summed
up in a single word: oil. The map of terrorist
sanctuaries and targets in the Middle East
and Central Asia is also, to an extraordinary
degree, a  map of the world’s principal energy
sources in the 21st century.... It is inevitable
that the war against terrorism will be seen by
many as a war on behalf of America’s Chevron,
Exxon, and Arco;  France’s TotalFinaElf; British
Petroleum; Royal Dutch Shell and other
multinational giants, which have hundreds of
billions of  dollars of investment in the region.”


 Silence in the media

This reality is well understood in official Washington,
but the  most important corporate-controlled media
outlets—the television  networks and major national
daily newspapers—have maintained  silence that
amounts  to deliberate, politically motivated  self
censorship.

 The sole recent exception is an article which
appeared December 15  in the New York Times
business section, headlined, “As the War  Shifts
Alliances, Oil Deals Follow.” The Times reported,
“The State  Department is exploring the potential
for post-Taliban energy  projects in the region,
which has more than 6 percent of the  world’s
proven oil reserves and almost 40 percent of its
gas  reserves.”

 The Times noted that during a visit in early December to
 Kazakhstan, “Secretary of State Colin L. Powell said he
was  ‘particularly impressed’ with the money that
American oil companies  were investing there. He estimated
that $200 billion could flow  into Kazakhstan during the next
5 to 10 years.”

 Secretary of Energy Spencer Abraham also pushed US
oil investments in the region during a November visit to
Russia, on which he was  accompanied by David J. O’Reilly,
chairman of ChevronTexaco.

 Defense Secretary Rumsfeld has also played a role in the
ongoing  oil pipeline maneuvers. During a December 14 visit
to Baku, capital  of Azerbaijan, he assured officials of the
oil-rich Caspian state  that the administration would lift
sanctions imposed in 1992 in the  wake of the conflict with
Armenia over the enclave of  Nagorno-Karabakh.

 Both Azerbaijan and Armenia have aligned themselves with
the US  military thrust into Central Asia, offering the Pentagon
transit  rights and use of airfields. Rumsfeld’s visit and his
conciliatory  remarks were the reward. Rumsfeld told President
Haydar Aliyev that  the administration had reached agreement
with congressional leaders  to waive the sanctions.

 On November 28 the White House released a statement
hailing the  official opening of the first new pipeline by the
Caspian Pipeline  Consortium, a joint venture of Russia,
Kazakhstan, Oman,  ChevronTexaco, ExxonMobil and
several other oil companies. The  pipeline connects the
huge Tengiz oilfield in northwestern  Kazakhstan to the
Russian Black Sea port of Novorossiysk, where  tankers
are loaded for the world market. US companies put up $1
 billion of the $2.65 billion construction cost.

 The Bush statement declared, “The CPC project also
advances my  Administration’s National Energy Policy
by developing a network of  multiple Caspian pipelines
that also includes the  Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan, Baku-Supsa,
and Baku-Novorossiysk oil pipelines and the
 Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline.” 

 There was little US press coverage of this announcement.
Nor  did  the media refer to the fact that the pipeline consortium
involvedin the Baku-Ceyhan plan, led by the British oil company
BP, is represented by the law firm of Baker & Botts. The principal
attorney at this firm is James Baker III, secretary of state under
Bush’s father and chief spokesman for the 2000 Bush campaign
during  its successful effort to shut down the Florida vote recount.
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