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The Times (UK)
September 13, 2001

New enemies demand new strategies as the Cold War ends 

BY ANATOL LIEVEN 

Lessons for the generals 
 
THE Cold War finally ended on Tuesday September 11 at 8.45am, Eastern 
Standard Time. 
Until that moment, faithful to the maxim that generals always plan for
the 
last war, the greater part of the United States' political and security 
establishments were still heavily influenced by Cold War thinking. 

One key reason for this, of course, has been that the US military, 
intelligence, think-tank and military industrial worlds have remained 
overwhelmingly configured around Cold War structures. 

They have anticipated conflict, or at least strong rivalry, with large, 
organised states with modern, conventional militaries and old-style
nuclear 
missile forces. In the case of Russia, combating Russian influence in
the 
other former Soviet republics (often dubbed, bizarrely, "the restoration
of 
the Soviet Union") was portrayed as a vital American national interest. 

The alleged risk of renewed Russian aggression against Central Europe
and the 
Baltic states was made a key justification for the retention and
expansion of 
Nato. 

In recent years, there have been strong moves to cast China as the new, 
Soviet-style global threat to US dominance, requiring a Cold War-style 
response. Hence moves to nullify China's nuclear deterrent through
national 
missile defence (NMD). Despite some new thinking, US conventional forces

remain heavily organised and equipped for open warfare against formal, 
state-armed forces bearing relatively high-tech weapons. 

Missile defence and the planned US military domination of space have
been 
posited on an acute danger from states that, on the one hand, are
assumed to 
be organised and quite technologically sophisticated, but, on the other,

willing to commit almost certain collective suicide in pursuit of their
aims. 

Yet in the end, most of this has been just shadow-boxing. Indeed, that
was 
true of the Cold War itself in its last ten years or so. America, and 
America's allies, are now in a real war -- one which has just claimed 
thousands of American casualties. By contrast, it should be remembered
that 
since the end of the Cold War, neither Russia nor China have been
responsible 
for a single US casualty. For that matter, it could well be argued that
even 
during the Cold War, the only time that the US and its allies really had
to 
fight was in Korea in 1950. 

It is now abundantly clear that we do, indeed, face dreadfully savage
and 
fanatical enemies, willing to face certain death to destroy us and with
a 
high capacity for planning and organisation. But these are not open 
representatives of states and they are most certainly not
representatives of 
Russia and China. On the contrary, Russia and China are themselves under

severe threat from exactly the same enemies and are our natural allies
in our 
fight against them. 

This is above all true of Russia, if it is proved that Osama bin Laden
or 
other groups backed by the Taleban were responsible for these attacks.
For 
the long-term control of pathologies stemming from Afghanistan, Russian 
co-operation is absolutely essential. US policies of rolling back
Russian 
influence in Central Asia and undermining Russia's hold on the North
Caucasus 
have to stop, now. 

Unilateralist American policies in recent years have been based
consciously 
or unconsciously on the assumption that because America itself is 
invulnerable, it does not really need allies. Missile defence was
supposed to 
complete the walls of Fortress America. Today, that assumption lies in
ruins, 
and the utter irrelevance of NMD to the real threats facing the United
States 
has been demonstrated beyond question. 

In the short term, ferocious unilateral action by the United States and
its 
closest allies will be necessary to punish and deter the perpetrators of
this 
atrocity and any state that can be shown to have backed them. But even
in the 
medium term, a continuation of US unilateralism would be a critical
threat to 
victory in the anti-terrorism war. 

This is true of US global policies, but above all in the Arab and Muslim

world. In the fight against terrorism, the co-operation of these states
is 
absolutely essential. One reason is that as this attack has cruelly
revealed, 
US intelligence in the Middle East is highly inadequate. 

Equally importantly, massive Western retaliation against Muslim targets 
unaccompanied by attempts to conciliate Arab and Muslim governments and 
populations will risk spreading support for terrorism in all directions.


The US therefore needs finally to listen to pro-Western Muslim states
when 
they say that US support for Israel, and Israeli policies, have made
such 
co-operation on their part extremely difficult. 

After Pearl Harbor, the Japanese commander Admiral Yamamoto famously
remarked 
that he was afraid that "all we have done is to awaken a sleeping giant,
and 
fill him with a terrible resolve". Given the massive and bestial nature
of 
these attacks, American resolve is indeed likely to be forthcoming. But
to 
fight this war successfully, resolve alone is not enough. We also need a

whole new strategy. 

Anatol Lieven is a Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace in Washington DC. An essay based on this article is
to 
appear in the forthcoming issue of Prospect magazine.

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