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Athens News
August 24, 2001

[The majority] believe that Slav parties have caved in
to sweeping constitutional reforms in favour of the
Albanians, while under severe pressure from both the
West and the Albanian rebels who have besieged
government forces for six months. As the Slav majority
views it, NATO will now harvest the fruits of Albanian
nationalism that it planted during its 1999 campaign
that transformed a Yugoslav province into a
crime-ridden international protectorate and the main
weapons and supply post for attacks within FYROM.




Can Nato harvest peace?


As the alliance prepares to collect Albanian
guerrillas' weapons, aproposed referendum could
scuttle the fragile agreement between FYROM's Slav and
Albanian parties

BY GEORGE GILSON 
  
A British jeep passes an ethnic Albanian on its way
into the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia on
August 22  

THE FORMER Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) on
August 22 joined Bosnia and Kosovo to become the third
Balkan country that was once part of the former
Yugoslavia to host a large Nato-led international
force on its territory. Following a mission to FYROM
two days earlier by Nato's top European commander
General Joseph Ralston to inspect the durability of a
ceasefire there, the North Atlantic Council of Nato
member-state ambassadors approved a limited, one-month
mission for the 3,500-strong force. Troops are to
collect and destroy weapons voluntarily handed over by
Albanian guerrillas who continue to occupy the
northwestern part of the country following a six-month
insurgency. 

"Today is an important day for Nato and an even more
important one for the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia. Today we are taking a historic step forward
for wider stability and security in the Balkans. At
noon, the North Atlantic Council decided to authorise
Saceur [Ralston] to issue the activation order for
Operation Essential Harvest," said Nato
Secretary-General Lord George Robertson. He added that
the preconditions for the mission set one month before
had been met. These were a political agreement signed
by ethnic Slav and Albanian parliamentary parties, an
agreement with FYROM on the terms under which the Nato
force will operate, an agreement by Albanian
guerrillas to disarm, a weapons collection plan and an
enduring ceasefire. 

"There are risks involved - we recognise that - but
members of the alliance have nevertheless agreed to
send their troops because they know that the risks of
not sending them are far greater," Robertson stressed,
adding a stern message to those who would imperil an
evolving peace: "To those who believe in a violent and
military solution, I say this: there is no solution in
violence, only death, destruction, misery and poverty.
A civil war would be a bloodbath and solve nothing."
Nato expected the full deployment of its force to be
completed by September 1, after which its renewable
30-day mandate will begin. 

Nato's latest Balkan intervention - approved just a
day after the demolition of a 14th-century Orthodox
church in Albanian rebel-held territory - comes at the
invitation of the FYROM government and follows a
delicate political agreement to enhance the ethnic
Albanian minority's rights. But while FYROM's Albanian
minority appears relatively satisfied by the August 13
"framework agreement" drafted by European legal
experts and agreed to by FYROM's ethnic Slav and
Albanian parties, the same cannot be said of the
country's Slav majority. 

They believe that Slav parties have caved in to
sweeping constitutional reforms in favour of the
Albanians, while under severe pressure from both the
West and the Albanian rebels who have besieged
government forces for six months. As the Slav majority
views it, Nato will now harvest the fruit of Albanian
nationalism that it planted during its 1999 Kosovo
campaign that transformed a Yugoslav province into a
crime-ridden international protectorate and the main
staging and weapons supply post for attacks within
FYROM. "Anti-Western sentiment among the Slav
population is, if anything, worse after the signing of
the agreement. The Albanians are clearly more
satisfied with the agreement than the
Slavo-Macedonians," a Western diplomat based in Skopje
told the Athens News. 

Now, Nato will stand guard as ethnic Albanian rebels
and FYROM's parliamentarians engage in an
unprecedented synchronised dance of weapon handovers
and constitutional reforms in which even slight
mis-steps or provocations are liable to throw the
entire process off track. With a 45-day deadline from
the signing of the agreement to pass constitutional
amendments, the FYROM assembly speaker is due to open
parliamentary discussion on August 31. The last
reforms will be put to a vote within 30 days of that
date. The influential Macedonian World Congress,
comprised of FYROM's diaspora Slavs, has proposed that
a referendum be held regarding the framework
agreement. But reports indicated that a massive
publicity campaign is planned to sell the agreement to
the FYROM public over the next few weeks. 

While the leader of the Albanian guerrilla National
Liberation Army, Ali Ahmeti, pledged on August 19 that
his rebels would disarm, the FYROM defence ministry
has indicated that the rebels possess as many as
85,000 weapons, though they only plan to turn in
2,500. But that is not the only government concern
about the Nato operation. 

F YROM envoy to Athens Ljupco Arsovski outlined the
concerns about the August 13 agreement voiced by the
Slav majority in an interview with the Athens News,
underlining that a referendum on the deal cannot be
ruled out. "There has been a negative reaction because
in a matter of months we have seen the terrorists
change name to become 'freedom fighters', even though
they only want territory and a solid grounding from
which to make more demands," he said. 

While expressing confidence that the agreement can
pass through parliament with the appropriate
preparation, Arsovski notes that a popular backlash
could also develop in that time. "Until the
disarmament of terrorists begins, the people might
unite to say that such things cannot pass so easily.
If they gather 150,000 signatures, they can request a
referendum," Arsovski said. 

The FYROM diplomat stresses that Albanian guerrillas
continue to exert tremendous pressure on the Slavs
still residing in the many rebel-controlled villages
to pick up and leave. "If these people leave, it is
the end. They will never again return," he said.
Arsovski also expressed doubts about rebel leader
Ahmeti's credibility, noting that the FYROM-born
ethnic Albanian had pledged his guerrillas would
honour a July 5 ceasefire, but that he could not vouch
for others. "At the time there were no others, so I
think all this was set up," Arsovski added, alluding
to the appearance of a new "Albanian National Army"
(ANA) rebel group. 

"I think the KLA and the ANA are one and the same," he
said. 

"Ahmeti is now passing himself off as a legitimate
political leader that wants to start his own party,
because he is from Kicevo (FYROM). He may want to win
the position of [Arben] Xhaferi, [Imer] Imeri and the
others", Arsovki said, referring to the leaders of
ethnic Albanian political parties in Skopje. "He did
everything with weapons - putting him on a US travel
blacklist - and now says that he is for peace. Just
reading Ahmeti's statements makes one nauseous,"
Arsovski said, noting that thousands of
weapons-smuggling incidents have occurred at Albanian-
FYROM borders in the past decade. 

Regarding how the Albanian rebels occupying a large
chunk of northwestern FYROM might disband and leave,
Arsovski appeared pessimistic. "You tell me. We have
to wait and see how Nato will handle the process of
disarming, because the first day of discussion in
parliament will coincide with the collection of
one-third of the weapons," he said. 


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Excerpts of Nato chief's statement after decision to
launch Operation Essential Harvest 

TODAY is an important day for Nato and an even more
important one for the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia. Today we are taking a historic step forward
for wider stability and security in the Balkans. At 12
noon, the North Atlantic Council decided to authorise
Saceur to issue the activation order for Operation
Essential Harvest. 

On 14 June, a little more than two months ago, I
received a letter from the president of the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Boris Trajkovski,
asking for Nato's help in implementing a peace plan
aimed at restoring peace and stability in his country.


This was a call for assistance from a country with
which Nato has a close relationship. It is a country
which aspires to be a member of the Alliance, a
country which offered generous assistance in the
Kosovo crisis and a country which was on the brink of
bloody civil war. 

This decision is not the end of the road; it is one
part of a process which will see the implementation of
the historic agreement signed by the leaders of the
political parties on 13 August. 

The conclusion of the process, the ratification of the
proposed constitutional changes, is now in the hands
of the people of the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia and their leaders. The political agreement
is theirs to implement and I fully expect them to meet
their commitments. The country and its future are in
their hands. 

The decision made today by the Alliance is the right
one, but it has been a difficult one. 

There are risks involved, we recognise that, but
members of the Alliance have nevertheless agreed to
send their troops because they know that the risks of
not sending them are far greater. 

There will be trying times ahead, I have no doubt.
Some extremists and hardliners will try to derail the
operation. 

I have a message today for those who have faith in the
future and do not want war, those who are the builders
not the destroyers. 

Nato is coming to the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia to help you build a better future in a
modern Europe. 




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