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Thanks Kole and Richard for the excerpts from The
Grand Chessboard and related quotes, as well as the
reflections on/interpretations thereof.
During the past six months it's been understandable
that focus would be placed on that section of
Brzezinski's latest volume that deals with the
Caucaus-Caspian-Central Asia nexus, given the war in
Afghanistan and the U.S. and allied military, economic
and diplomatic consolidation from Georgia to
Uzbekistan.
But his grandiose musings on the role of Germany on
the European continent are not to be ignored either.
At the time of the publication of the book, 1997,
Brzezinski initially cloaked his advocacy of a
German-dominated Europe with an arcane allusion to the
so-called Dresden Triad (Nexus?) of Germany, France
and Poland, those three nations having the largest
populations of all continental European countries West
of Ukraine and Russia.
The weak leg of the stool, Brzezinski's own homeland,
Poland, had in his purview a role to play in wrenching
Ukraine, the Baltic states and Belarus away from
Russian economic and military influence - and in fact
was one of the first three former Warsaw Pact nations
inducted into NATO the very year of the book's release
- 
but perhaps more reflects Brzezinski's own nationalist
dreams than anything reality has borne out in the
interim.
As for the remaining two European powerhouses, Germany
and France, he essentially dismisses France - France
in general, with no distinctions made between the
people themselves or the populace and the
government/elite, as is the wont of 'geostrategists'
of his ilk - as vainglorious, slightly foppish
buffoons peroccupied with past delusions of grandeur,
which are to be flattered by the US and Germany while
the latter two go about their business of dominating
Europe and, in the second case, the world.
It is from Brzezinski that I've borrowed the figures
about (reunited) Germany having the largest population
and the greatest GDP, and being the largest
contributor to NATO, of all nations in Europe West of
the former Soviet republics.  
It's worth mentioning that Brzezinski pointedly
remarks that NATO is the one alliance/organization
that guarantees U.S. presence in (and effective
control over) Europe.
It is in fact Washington's Trojan Horse.
This is important to remember at the moment when
certain canards are being circulated to the effect
that the Bush-Rumsfeld regime is acting 'unilaterally'
by not officially cutting its NATO allies/subordinates
in for a big enough piece of the action in Afghanistan
and the proposed war against Iraq.   
In fact NATO has for the first time ever invoked its
'mutual defense' Article Five clause, and that for a
war (far) outside the European continent and the
stipulated zone of alleged mutual self-defense.
The truth of the matter is that NATO exists solely for
the furtherance of US geopolitical designs, with
Britain as junior partner in many ways, and with at
times some conflict of interest between Washington on
one hand and France (less and less it appears) and
Germany on the other, but underpinning eveything a
joint understanding about how the world should be
carved up.
Brzezinski's role in formulating imperialism's global
strategy for unipolar domination cannot be
overestimated. He has been a major voice in each
presidential administration since that of Jimmy Carter
in 1976 when he acted as National Security Adviser,
whether directly or through his numerous acolytes.
Although he first came to prominence in a Democratic
administration, he was the handpicked choice of David
Rockefeller, a Republican, and himself was one of
several key foreign policy architects to endorse
Ronald Reagan in 1984 and George Bush Senior in 1988.
Additionally, Clinton's Secretary of State in his
second term, Madeleine Albright, was an intern for and
votary of Brzezinski, and current National Security
Adviser Condoleezza Rice is an acknowledged disciple.
Having said all that,  Brzezinski's influence may at
any given time and in relation to a given region be
predominant, but is hardly exclusive. 
In The Grand Chessboard, for example, he summarily
dismisses Great Britain as a no longer viable world
player, an opinion many power brokers in Washington
and Brussels would take issue with.
Also, in his chapters on the 'Eurasian Continent' in
which he starkly excoriates Russia as being
culturally, politically and otherwise inferior (even
twice employing the expression Petrine Western
Christianity so there would be no doubt about what he
means by Europe - and civilization in general), and
openly calling for its effective dismantling into
three geographic entities, he counterpoises China as a
world player who, with the U.S., would supplant former
Russian influence in Central and South Asia.
All current indications are that the Bush
administration is hardly inclined toward this policy.
Lastly, Brzezinski's at times cryptic but nevertheless
clear references to the Middle East suggests he's at
loggerheads with the Bush administration foreign
policy 'grey eminences'  Paul Wolfowitz and Richard
Perle.
So there are real differences in approach, both in
degree and in essence, among U.S. and general
Western/NATO governing elites concerning certain
regional and broader global objectives, strategies,
divisions of labor and short, intermediate and long
term strategies, but they appear to be united in far
more than what divides them.
And the role assigned to Germany, as the stationing of
its military forces in as many as eight or nine
countries abroad attests to, is not to be ignored or
underestimated, particularly in what not accidentally
is increasingly referred to by the German word
Mitteleuropa.
Stayed tuned.




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