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http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002091706991000.htm

The Hindu
September 17, 2002


U.S. attack on Iraq — at whose cost? 
By Sudha Mahalingam 


The U.S. will suffer the least in terms of access to
oil... Japan, China and India will be left holding the
can when supplies get disrupted.  


-Now, the U.S. has trained its sights on the Caspian
Sea region, believed to be the next energy frontier.
The Americans are sparing no efforts — military,
economic or diplomatic — in their quest for new oil
sources. The American administration has successfully
stationed over 4,000 troops in the oil and gas-rich
Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan, Tajikistan,
Uzbekistan, Kyrgystan and even Georgia, in the course
of its war on terror. Direct American aid to the
Central Asian Republics is on the rise and U.S.
investments in the region are estimated to be upwards
of $20 billion. 



EVEN AS the United States and allied airplanes prepare
to launch pre-emptive strikes on southern Iraq, the
American strategic stockpile of petroleum is brimming
over. The U.S. will have enough oil to see it through
the impending war. Last November, the U.S. President,
George W. Bush, had ordered the filling up of the
Strategic Petroleum Reserve to its full capacity of
700 million barrels. Since January, the stockpile has
been adding 150,000 barrels a day. But that was not
the only smart move Mr. Bush made. 

Even before the ghastly attacks on the twin towers of
the World Trade Center last September, long before
Iraq entered U.S. radar range as a possible target of
attack, the U.S. had been fine-tuning its energy
policy in an attempt to access new sources of oil and
gas. On May 17, 2001, Mr. Bush announced his
controversial new energy policy whose main thrust was
to minimise American dependence on Gulf oil, even if
it meant dumping the Kyoto Protocol and drilling in
the pristine snows of Alaska. This resolve was
reinforced by the events of 9/11. Outside the U.S.
administration, there was some loud thinking about
life without Saudi oil, especially after September 11.
After all, 15 of the 18 hijackers who crashed their
planes on U.S. civilian targets that day were Saudis. 

Currently, the U.S. imports half of its hydrocarbon
requirements from foreign sources and this figure is
set to go up to two thirds by 2020. Only 30 per cent
of American oil imports come from the Gulf region, the
rest being supplied mostly by Mexico, Venezuela,
Colombia and others, which means that just 15 per cent
of the total U.S. energy requirements are supplied by
the Gulf countries. Now, the U.S. has trained its
sights on the Caspian Sea region, believed to be the
next energy frontier. The Americans are sparing no
efforts — military, economic or diplomatic — in their
quest for new oil sources. The American administration
has successfully stationed over 4,000 troops in the
oil and gas-rich Central Asian Republics of
Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgystan and even
Georgia, in the course of its war on terror. Direct
American aid to the Central Asian Republics is on the
rise and U.S. investments in the region are estimated
to be upwards of $20 billion. 

On the one hand, the Americans are making elaborate
and expensive plans to ensure that the oil pipelines
from Central Asia do not pass through Russian
territory, and on the other go to great lengths to woo
Vladimir Putin as their energy ally. They see little
contradiction in such moves. If there is one country
that can single-handedly tip the scales against oil
from the Gulf, it is Russia which is quietly
increasing its annual production by half a million
barrels a day. 

All these measures will ensure that the U.S. will
suffer the least in terms of access to oil during the
impending war on Iraq. Even Europe imports only 35 per
cent of its oil requirements from the Gulf and may get
off relatively lightly, thanks to the common E.U.
stockpile. Clearly, Japan, China and India will be
left holding the can when supplies get disrupted.
Japan imports 75 per cent of its oil and gas from the
Middle East, but can draw from the E.U. stockpile in
the event of an emergency. Asia as a whole imports 60
per cent of its oil from the Middle East, with China
and India making up most of the demand. 

Oil supply disruption is inevitable in the event of a
sustained attack. Iraq is already on parole — the U.N.
sanctions committee has devised the food-for-oil
programme, ostensibly on humanitarian considerations,
but equally to keep the global oil taps flowing at
full force. After all, Baghdad is an important member
of the OPEC, adding 2.2 million barrels a day to the
global supply. However, during the first six months of
this year, the conflict between the U.N. Sanctions
Committee and Iraq's State Oil Marketing Organisation
squeezed Iraqi exports to a mere 1.24 million barrels
a day. Earlier this year, Mr. Bush's infamous "axis of
evil" speech had left both Iran and Iraq bristling.
They responded by threatening to use oil as a weapon
against the U.S. and its allies. Between April 8 and
May 7 this year, Iraq suspended its oil exports
entirely as a protest against Israeli action against
Palestine. Saddam Hussein had followed a scorched
earth policy during the Gulf War, damaging oil
installations in Kuwait. He might well repeat it now.
Even if he destroys only Iraqi oil wells, the global
oil supply will drop by at least a million barrels a
day. 

This time around, can the world depend on Saudi
Arabia, the only OPEC country with spare oil capacity
in the region, to oblige by increasing production and
keeping prices in check? The Saudis have kept the OPEC
on a tight leash these last six months so much so that
the prices have been consistently within the OPEC
price band. The best-case scenario is one of acute
price volatility and the worst-case, sharp price
hikes. By all indications, oil-importing countries are
in for some nasty shocks. 

Imagine what it can do to India which imports over 70
per cent of its hydrocarbons and pays a whopping
Rs.70,000 crores annually at current consumption
levels. During the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war India was
importing 70 per cent of its oil requirements from
these two countries. In 1991, when Iraq invaded
Kuwait, India was importing 2.25 million tonnes of
crude from Iraq under a tripartite Rupee-Rouble
agreement involving the then Soviet Union. The war
threw a spanner into this mutually beneficial
arrangement and India had to go scurrying for
alternative financing arrangements to meet the hike in
crude prices. At that time, crude price rose from
$16.3 a barrel in July to $34.6 a barrel in October
1990. 

For the next six months, India's petroleum import bill
more than doubled. This time around, India is
importing only a small proportion of Iraqi oil per se,
but the bulk of our needs comes from the Gulf members
of the OPEC. Already prices have hardened in the last
few weeks. Any sustained price hike can play havoc
with the Indian economy. It can slow down recovery and
fuel inflation. Worse, it can disrupt remittances from
the Gulf. NRI remittances in 2001 were $2.75 billion,
a third of our total capital inflows, and a
substantial chunk of it is bound to have emanated from
the Gulf. 

But the war could do worse. The Straits of Hormuz
through which 14 million barrels of oil pass everyday
is just two miles wide at its narrowest. Either Iran
or Iraq, or both, could block the Straits of Hormuz
and choke off supplies from the entire region. The
E.U. and the Americans can draw from their strategic
reserves and stave off shortages, but that luxury is
unavailable to India and China. 

An energy-intensive development paradigm has rendered
India extremely vulnerable to even modest increases in
the price of petroleum products. That the price hikes
will come at a time when the Indian petroleum sector
is liberalised and integrated with the international
market is even more unfortunate. The Government can
theoretically shrug its shoulders and blame the
markets and curse the U.S. for its cussedness, but can
hardly escape the consequences of the impending war.
By all indications, we are in for very rough times
ahead. 

(The writer is Senior Fellow, Institute of Defence
Studies & Analyses, New Delhi.) 




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