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http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,669291,00.html

Who observes the observers? 
The west's condemnation of Zimbabwe's election process
is a breathtaking case of double standards

John Laughland
Monday March 18, 2002
The Guardian

The chasm that opened up between the various teams of
observers at the Zimbabwean elections shows the
urgency of reformulating one of the oldest questions
of political philosophy: who observes the observers?
For over the last decade, election observing has
become little more than a tool for powerful states to
interfere in the internal affairs of weak ones.
Monitors delegitimise elections which elect a
candidate the west does not like, while turning a
blind eye to the deficiencies of polls that produce
the desired outcome. 

The hypocrisy is breathtaking - and not least because
we in Britain do not allow observers at our own
elections. For instance, British TV viewers may have
been surprised to see Nigeria's Abdulsalam Abubakar
reading out the Commonwealth's condemnation of the
democratic process in Zimbabwe. But Nigerians will
have been even more surprised. General Abubakar was
military dictator of Nigeria from 1998-99. Now facing
accusations of stealing more than $2bn from Nigeria's
foreign reserves, Abubakar shares responsibility, as a
member of Nigeria's top brass, for the cancellation by
the military of the elections there in 1993. The man
who won those elections died in prison while Abubakar
was president. 

Less well known is the record of Kare Vollan, the head
of the Norwegian observers, who denounced the
Zimbabwean poll as unfair because of pre-election
violence. This same Kare Vollan found that the
Ukrainian parliamentary elections in 1998 "were
managed with professionalism" while his team "did not
call into question the results" - despite what he
described as the "violence, intimidation and
harassment during the run-up to the election". Maybe
it was because Ukraine was then the west's favourite
former Soviet state that the Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe, for which Vollan works, was
happy, unlike in Zimbabwe, to trust the Ukrainian
authorities to investigate these allegations. 

Another charge levelled at Zimbabwe is government
control of the media. But this did not bother the OSCE
at the Montenegrin parliamentary elections in 1998.
There, the local Mr Big, Milo Djukanovic, has received
tens of millions of dollars in western aid - not bad
for a country with half the population of Birmingham.
Apart from using the money for his gigantic police
force of 30,000, and for ensuring to tal state control
of the media, Djukanovic habitually ensures that he is
the only candidate with any election posters. For the
west, though, he was a useful thorn in the side of
Slobodan Milosevic. 

But even this cannot compare with the stifling of
democracy in Russia with which the west wholeheartedly
cooperated throughout the 1990s and in 2000. Having
welcomed the shelling of the Russian parliament to put
down recalcitrant backbenchers in 1993 the west and
the OSCE turned a blind eye to the massive fraud in
the subsequent constitutional referendum, which
reduced the power of the Russian parliament to that of
a library reading room. One observer, the Tory
minister Kenneth Baker, declared that poll a
resounding success - even before it had closed. It
later turned out that millions of votes had been added
to the turnout to render the vote valid. 

All through the 1990s, western observers turned a
blind eye to the government's grip on the broadcast
media. At the 1995 elections, the OSCE and Council of
Europe even managed to ignore the fact that 17 people
were killed in campaigning. And at Putin's election in
2000, the west ignored reports that millions of votes
had been added to achieve the desired result. 

In Slovakia in 1998, the west - via the OSCE - was
determined to unseat the incumbent prime minister,
Vladimir Meciar, even though (or maybe because) he is
the most popular politician in the country. The main
charge against him was bias in the state TV. When I
asked the OSCE chief (Vollan again) why no one
mentioned the greater bias in favour of the opposition
of a far more popular foreign-funded private TV
station, he promised "scientific proof". When it came,
in the form of a statistical survey by an Italian
media-monitoring organisation, the figures actually
showed the state channel to be a model of neutrality
and the private channel to be grossly partisan. But
facts would not move Vollan. He just said icily: "You
have the figures. Maybe your interpretation is
different." 

The Zimbabweans were vil ified for the queues at
polling stations in Harare. But at the Italian
parliamentary elections last May, the socialist
government reduced the number of polling stations by
30%. The chaos was so severe that the last Italian to
cast his vote did so at 5am. So why were Francesco
Rutelli's friends not accused of trying to stop
Italians voting for Silvio Berlusconi? 

Western election monitoring has become the political
equivalent of an Arthur Andersen audit. This
supposedly technical process is now so corrupted by
political bias that it would be better to abandon it.
Only then will other countries be able to elect their
leaders freely. 

· John Laughland is a trustee of the British Helsinki
Human Rights Group: www.bhhrg.org


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