[CTRL] [1a] THE CATBIRD SEAT - Birds of a Feather

[Kris Millegan]

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</A> -Cui Bono?-

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THE CATBIRD SEAT


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To see where greed and evil meet, climb up in the catbird seat.

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Introduction

Although much of what you will find in these pages is definitely of a
political nature, I am not associated with any political party. I dislike
"labels" of any sort. In the recent past, I would have been hard pressed to
tell you the difference between a liberal and a conservative, a right-winger
or a left-winger. Politically, these pages only try to distinguish between
truth and falsehood -- and that is difficult enough.

Much of what you will find in these pages deals with the world of high
finance -- in particular, fraud and corruption in the institutions where we
place our money and our trust. What I have attempted to expose here is a
complex matrix of financial, political and criminal nests that have been
built by wealthy and corrupt birds of prey in our own backyards -- many times
flying off with our money to build their fancy nests elsewhere.

Much of what you will find here is certainly of a religious or philosophical
nature. To be truthful with the reader, I am of the Christian faith. However,
the purpose of these pages is not to promote any particular religion. What I
do believe to be important is the basic philosophy that provides the
foundation for most religions. In my faith, this philosophy is expressed
simply as, "Do Unto Others as You Would Have Them Do Unto You," or, just as
simple and profound, "Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself."

This site, like Disneyland, will continually be undergoing construction, with
new exhibits as they are discovered.

Part I is an exhibit of various individuals noted for their power and
influence over our daily lives.
Part II is a collection of some of the known nests or gathering places for
these birds.
Part III reveals the PREY -- namely, national and state treasuries, pension
plans, investment funds, banks, insurance companies, etc. In other words, the
PREY are you and me, our friends and neighbors, and all creatures that
inhabit this earth!

Disclaimer: The Catbird attempts to keep the information in these pages as
accurate as possible under the circumstances -- the circumstances being that
these corrupt birds have unlimited funds and spare no expense to do
everything possible to hide and distort the truth from the public. Therefore,
the Catbird, his relatives, heirs, friends, guests, partners, neighbors, pets
and associates completely disclaim any and all responsibility whatsoever for
the accuracy of any information of any sort appearing herein, from the
beginning of time to the now and the hereafter, til death do us part, and
forever and forever throughout eternity and beyond. And just in case this
disclaimer won't hold up in court, which I have had my fill of recently, I
have chosen not to use my real name. Call me coward if you wish, but my
friends call me . . . Catbird!
Now, on to view the vultures and the birds of prey in their natural habitats
. . .




Part I - Birds of a Feather
A. J. C. Smith - Chairman of the Board and CEO of Marsh & McLennan Companies
since 1992. Mr. Smith is a trustee of the various mutual funds managed by Putn
am Investment Management, Inc., a subsidiary of MMC. He is also a member of
the Board of Overseers of the Joan and Sanford I. Weill Graduate School of
Medical Sciences of Cornell University.  (Sanford Weill was the CEO of Travele
rs Group, when the $74 billion merger with Citicorp in April, 1998 created Cit
igroup.) In 1998, A.J.C. Smith raked in $6.5 million in salary, bonus and
other compensation from Marsh & McLennan Companies. Add to that $11.3 million
in stock option grants awarded to Smith in 1998, for a total of $17.9 million.
 Smith also has $25.2 million in unexercised stock options from previous
years.

See also: Marsh & McLennan, Sanford I. Weill.

Adele Smith Simmons - Director of Marsh & McLennan Companies since 1978.
President of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation from 1989 to
1999. She is also a director of the Synergos Institute and the Union of
Concerned Scientists and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. Ms.
Simmons presided over the MacArthur Foundation's billions during the period
most of the foundation's Florida real estate was sold off -- the last of
which was sold to WCI Communities just at the time Ms. Simmons announced her
decision to resign as president of the foundation.

See also: Marsh & McLennan; MacArthur Foundation; WCI Communities; Crossroads
Investment; Mellon Bank; Paul Silvester; Kamehameha Schools/Bishop Estate

Al Gore - From Year of the Rat: . . . In 1998 Huang, Riady, Democratic
activist Maria Hsia, and others formed the Pacific Leadership Council in an
effort to attract Asian-Americans to the Democratic Party. Huang and Hsia are
credited with organizing the April 1988 Democratic fund-raiser at James
Riady's home in Los Angeles. They were also tour guides for a January 1989
trip to Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Indonesia by Senator Al Gore and California
Lieutenant Governor Leo McCarthy. The later-famous Hsi Lai Buddhist Temple
paid for Gore's trip. . . . -- On April 29, 1996, Vice President Al Gore
attended a luncheon at the Hsi Lai Temple, which describes itself as the
largest Buddhist monastery in the United States. When the media first
questioned Gore about the luncheon, the vice president claimed that it had
simply been a "community outreach event," not a fund-raiser. . . . Despite
Gore's initial denial, the luncheon at the Los Angeles-area temple was a
fund-raiser, though the DNC has acknowledged only that the event was
"inappropriate" and a "mistake." In the two years since the press discovered
the temple luncheon, Vice President Gore has been between a rock and a hard
place: If he and his supporters admit that he was aware it was a fund-raiser,
then he opens himself to having knowingly participated in something illegal. I
f Gore denies that he was aware it was a fund-raiser (when everyone else
around him knew), people will wonder if anyone this incompetent is fit to be
president. . . . Today, it is much harder for Gore and his associates to
claim ignorance because everyone knows that Gore's 1996 visit to the temple
was not a one-time happening. Gore's relationship with the temple, and the
illegal fund-raising, went back eight years. This is just one of the reasons
that the temple fund-raiser was far worse than "inappropriate." The Hsi Lai
Temple has been used to launder campaign funds for the DNC. Moreover, the
April 1996 luncheon Gore attended was awash with Chinese Communist agents. .
. .

CAMPAIGN FINANCE: The Clinton-Gore record of campaign finance abuses is
staggering:

*   Chinese agents ensured victory for the Clinton-Gore team in the 1992
general election with a massive cascade of illegally laundered foreign funds
into key states.
*   More than one hundred potential witnesses of illegal foreign campaign
contributions to the Clinton-Gore team have fled the country, taken the Fifth
Amendment, or refused to be interviewed by investigative bodies.
*   Chinese agents helped secure the 1992 Democratic presidential nomination
for Clinton with a multimillion-dollar loan from an Arkansas bank under their
influence.
*   Chinese agents became the number one donors to Clinton and Gore in 1992.
*   The Clinton Justice Department allowed the statute of limitations to run
out so that illegal donations from Chinese agents could escape prosecution.
*   Leading donors to the DNC are business associates of a major Tiananmen
massacre war criminal that even the Chinese have jailed.
*   Chinese agents tried to use their donations to Democratic senators to
pressure Taiwan's banking authorities.
*   Chinese agents gave $100,000 to convicted felon Webster Hubbel at the
very moment the independent counsel's office was seeking his cooperation in
its investigations of the Clintons.
*   Chinese agents helped fund Dick Morris's brilliant stealth advertising
campaign against the Republicans in 1995-1996.
*   A Macau criminal syndicate figure who exploits women for prostitution
laundered more than $1,000,000 in illegal donations to the DNC; he met
Clinton on a number of occasions, including on visits to the White House; and
he may also have funneled more than $300,000 in illegal cash donations to the
Democrats and/or hush money for Hubbell.
*   A Chinese agent who is also in the business of exploiting women for
prostitution donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to Bill Clinton and Al
Gore, and he sat beside both the president and vice president at intimate
fund-raisers.
*   A Chinese agent/DNC donor with personal connections to Clinton and Gore
is a business associate of Cambodia's largest narcotics trafficker.
*   A Chinese agent who raises funds for Gore may be assisting Chinese spies
to gain entrance into the United States.
*   Leaders of a Thai conglomerate that is in business with Middle Eastern
terrorists and with China's biggest arms smugglers had a White House meeting
with Clinton at which they were illegally solicited for campaign donations.
*   A Chines PLA spy laundered illegal campaign funds through Johnny Chung
and met Clinton twice at fund-raisers.
*   A Macau gambling figure and a Hong Kong billionaire in business with the
PLA donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to Clinton's favorite charities.
*   A Chinese gangster dumped hundreds of thousands of dollars in foreign
funds on the Clinton Legal Defense Trust on the same day he delivered a
letter demanding that Clinton abandon Taiwan.
*   A PLA partner sat next to Clinton at a DNC fund-raiser contributed tens
of thousands of dollars in illegal campaign funds to the Democrats.
*   The officers of an American defense contractor in business with China's
missile builders became the number one contributors to the Clinton-Gore
reelection campaign in 1995-1996.
*   After illegal campaign funds began to flow to the DNC from a PLA spy, the
Clinton White House and his navy secretary helped the PLA's arms delivery
boys secure the port at Long Beach, California.

. . . The bottom line: Clinton and Gore got away with it.
AL GORE'S SILENCE: Special attention needs to be given to the role of V. P.
Al Gore and the issue of Chinese cruise missile sales to Iran. . . . The
Chinese have a particularly deadly anti-shipping cruise missile designated
the C-802. . . . in 1992 then-Senator Al Gore (D-TN) joined with Senator John
McCain (R-AZ) to pass the Iran-Iraq Arms Non-Proliferation Act. The
legislation placed severe sanctions on foreign countries that exported
advanced conventional weapons, including cruise missiles, to Iran or Iraq. At
the time of passage in 1992, Senator Gore addressed the president of the
Senate as follows: "It is abundantly clear that we need to raise the stakes
high, and we need to act without compunction if we catch violators." . . .
Although the State Department has admitted to Congress that there is
"evidence" of the Chinese shipments of C-802s to Iraq, and fifteen thousand
American servicemen and women are within range of these weapons, the
administration has refused repeated congressional demands to enforce American
sanctions. The vice president has been totally silent on the issue and has
made no effort to enforce or defend his own legislation. . . .

Charles M. Harmon, Jr. - Sometime in 1996, Hawaii's wealthy charitable trust,
Bishop Estate, loaned approximately $1 million to Charles Harmon, Jr., an
investment banker and former general partner of Goldman, Sachs & Co. The
08/12/96 issue of Pacific Business News reported that Bishop Estate had "quiet
ly purchased the majority interest of a Connecticut specialized advisory
business that manages almost $1 billion in assets. . . . Royal Hawaiian
Shopping Center, Inc., a for-profit subsidiary of Bishop Estate, is a
co-investor in the purchase of Bigler Investment Management, a Farmington,
Conn., firm that manages fund-of-fund accounts. . . . The purchasing entity,
called The Crossroads Group, is expected to take on a much more aggressive
money-management outlook. . . . other investors in The Crossroads Group are
parties that have had 'long relationships' with Royal Hawaiian . . .
Massachusetts equity analyst Steven P. Galante said his own research found Bis
hop Estate purchased about a 60 percent stake in The Crossroads Group. The
management team and others own the remaining interest. . . . According to
Galante . . . principals of The Crossroads Group are: Charles M. Harmon, Jr.,
an investment banker and former general partner at Goldman, Sachs & Co. in
New York; Larry I. Landry, chief investment officer of John D. & Catherine T.
MacArthur Foundation in Chicago; and Brad Heppner, a consultant at Bain & Co.
in Dallas and former director of private investments at the MacArthur
Foundation. . . . All have prior experience with Bishop Estate. In 1993, the
MacArthur Foundation, along with Duke University's endowment fund, backed the
formation of a Boston merchant bank called Orion Capital Partners LP. . . .
Harmon is familiar with Bishop Estate because the Hawaii trust owns 10
percent of Goldman Sachs. . . . See: Crossroads Group
Daniel Yankelovich - From Conspirators' Hierarchy: . . . Daniel Yankelovich
is the emperor of the polling-opinion making corporate structure in the
United States, a vast apparatus which provides "public opinions on social,
economic and political matters of substance," to quote Edward Bernays.. . . .
As a second-generation warrior, Yankelovich has no equal, which is why ABC
polls conducted by his company are always in the forefront of "public
opinion." . . . Yankelovich's task was to destroy traditional American values
and replace them with New Age / Age of Aquarius values. As the Committee of
300's most senior public opinion maker, no one can doubt that Yankelovich has
done a superb job. . . . (John Naisbitt) is a member of the Club of Rome. . .
He is also one of the senior vice presidents of Yankelovich, Skelly and White.
 What Naisbitt is doing is not forecasting trends but MAKING them. . ."

Dean R. O'Hare - CEO of Chubb Corp. In 1998, O'Hare received over $3.1 MILLION
 in salary, bonus and other compensation from Chubb Corp. Add in another $3.6
million in stock options grants for Mr. O'Hare and you have a total of over $6
.78 MILLION. And from previous years, O'Hare has over $5.5 million in
unexercised stock options.

See also: Chubb Group, Marsh & McLennan, Kamehameha Schools/Bishop Estate.
Dennis J. Picard - CEO of Raytheon Co. In 1998, Picard raked in over $4.5
million in salary, bonus and other compensation from Raytheon. Then they also
tossed in another $5 million in stock option grants for a total of over $9.5
million.

Donald J. Tyson - a/k/a "Chicken Man" - In his book, The Secret Life of Bill
Clinton, investigative reporter Ambrose Evans-Pritchard writes: . . . The
Dixie Mafia formed a ring of interlocking interests that covered Louisiana,
Texas, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Tennessee, and above Arkansas. Their spiritual
capital was Bill Clinton's hometown of Hot Springs, famous for its racetrack,
its ornate bathhouses, its casinos, its prostitution, and its epic defiance
of Prohibition. . . . The coat-and-tie yuppies of the modern Dixie Mafia are
the children and grandchildren of bootlegger, a provenance they share with
Bill Clinton. The trade has evolved. Clinton's grandfather used to serve
moonshine from behind the counter of his store in Hope. Now the business is a
high-tech operation involving fleets of aircraft, off-shore banking, and deep
reach into the U.S. federal government. . . . I had been given comprehensive
intelligence files from the Criminal Investigations Division of the Arkansas
State Police, going back as far as the early 1970's . . . I was scarcely able
to believe what I was seeing. Among the famous names of the Arkansas
oligarchy that jumped out from page after page of criminal intelligence files
was Don Tyson, the billionaire president of Tyson Foods and the avuncular
patron of Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton. . . . A gruff barrel-chested man
with a cropped beard and a reputation for ruthless business practice, Don
Tyson is one of the great characters of Arkansas. He presides over the
biggest chicken processing operation in the world from his "Oval Office" -- a
replica of the real one -- with door handles in the shape of eggs. . . . The
family business, based in Springdale, has grown at an explosive rate since
the 1960;s, swallowing up rival companies in a relentless quest for market
share. . . . But it was a high-wire act getting there. By 1979 the company's
debt-to-equity ratio had soared to 1.3 at a time when interest rates were
soaring. . . . But somehow he managed to prosper. Over the next five years
Tyson Foods was one of the fastest-growing Fortune 500 companies in the
country. . . . The documents I was looking at made me wonder about the
origins of his liquidity. Here were files from the U.S. Drug Enforcement
Agency, marked DEA SENSITIVE, under the rubric of the "Donald TYSON Drug
Trafficking Organization." . . . One was from the DEA office in Oklahoma
City, dated December 14, 1982. It cited a confidential informant alleging
that "TYSON smuggles cocaine from Colombia, South America inside race horses
to Hot Springs, Arkansas." It cited the investigation tracking number for Don
J. Tyson, a/k/a "Chicken Man," as Nadis 470067. A second document from the
DEA office in Tucson, dated July 9, 1984, stated that "the Cooperating
Individual had information concerning heroin, cocaine and marijuana
trafficking in the States of Arkansas, Texas, and Missouri by the TYSON
organization." The informant described a place called "THE BARN" which TYSON
used as a "stash" location for large quantities of marijuana and cocaine.
"THE BARN" area is located between Springdale and Fayetteville, Arkansas, and
from the outside the appearance of "THE BARN" looks run down. On the inside
of "THE BARN" it is quite plush. . . . A memo by the Criminal Investigative
Section, dated March 22, 1976, states that Don Tyson "is an extremely wealthy
man with much political influence and seems to be involved in most every kind
of shady operation, especially narcotics, however, has to date gone without
implication in any specific crime . . ." The memo was triggered by a dispute
between Tyson and the Teamsters Union over allegations of drug dealing and
prostitution at a Teamsters'-owned hotel leased by Tyson. Two sets of
documents refer to alleged hit men employed by Tyson to kill drug dealers who
owed him money. Another report alleged that Tyson was using his business
plane to smuggle quart jars of methamphetamine. All told, it was a staggering
portrait of a drug baron. . . . None of the allegations led to criminal
charges, and it would soon become clear why. Police officers who tried to
mount a case against Tyson were destroyed by their superiors in the State
Police. The first to try was Beverly "B.J." Weaver, then an undercover
narcotics officer in Springdale. Working the streets and bars of northwest
Arkansas, disguised as a deaf woman, she collected detailed intelligence on
Tyson's alleged smuggling network. . . . "There were loads going out with the
chickens," she explained. "They'd put the coke in the rectums of the
chickens, live chickens. That's how they'd move it." . . . As the allegations
from her informants mounted, she requested the intelligence files on Don
Tyson. That is when her problems began. Her colleagues in the Springdale
office -- who she now believes were "on the take" from the Tyson machine --
put out the word that she was "not stable," that she had "flipped out." Then
it got rough. "They started passing out my photo on the streets, which put my
life in danger. I became paranoid. I didn't trust my phone line. There was
nobody I could really trust." . . . By 1987 her position was untenable. Her
career in ruins, she resigned from the police and found a job as a security
guard in the Bahamas. . . .

>From The Buying of the President: . . . Four independent counsels have been
appointed to investigate members of the Clinton administration and the
president himself. The Whitewater investigation has resulted in at least a
dozen indictments. As Bill Clinton found his political career ironically
bookended from Watergate to Whitewater, from outsider reform candidate for
Congress complaining about scandal in 1974 to embattled incumbent staving off
scandal in 1996, his old friend from Arkansas, Don Tyson, was counting his
chickens as they hatched in Washington. In 1992, Tyson family members and
company executives contributed $29,000 to Clinton's presidential campaign and
Tyson was one of the few corporate executives who spoke at the Clinton
transition economic summit in Little Rock. . . . After Clinton took office,
Tyson, as he had done for Governor Clinton, provided Agriculture Secretary Mik
e Espy with plane rides, meals and lodging, as well as $6,000 from Tyson and
company employees to help retire the campaign debt of Espy's brother, Henry,
who lost a bid for Congress in 1993. . . . That same year the Department of
Agriculture shelved work on new poultry inspection regulations. As Time
magazine reported, "an uncooked chicken has become one of the most dangerous
items in the American home. At least 60 percent of U.S. poultry is
contaminated with salmonella, campylobacter or other micro-organisms that
spread throughout the birds from slaughter to packaging, a process that has
sped up dramatically in the past twenty years. Each year at least 6.5 million
... people get sick from chicken . . ." Espy was forced to resign his
position in the Clinton cabinet and an independent counsel began to
investigate him. Espy has denied any impropriety, and Tyson company officials
maintain they favor stricter inspections and were certainly not trying to
influence secretary Espy or the Clinton administration. . . . To Don Tyson,
who has reportedly again become disenchanted with Clinton and is giving money
to Bob Dole in the 1996 campaign, the business of politics has never been
particularly complicated. It consists of "a series of unsentimental
transactions between those who need votes and those who have money . . . a
world where every quid has its quo." . . .

Frank V. Cahouet - CEO of Mellon Bank Corp. In 1998, Cahouet bulldozed in
$6.3 million in salary, bonus and other compensation from Mellon Bank Corp.
Add in another $3.9 million in stock option grants and that's a total of
$10.2 million. Plus, he has a stack of unexercised stock options of over
$38.6 million from previous years.

George Bush - From The Laundrymen: During George Bush's presidency, the CIA
went into the coke-smuggling business. Using a cutout in Venezuela, in 1990,
the agency adroitly smuggled a ton of pure cocaine into the United States.
The idea was to use it to snare traffickers. Instead, it wound up being sold
on the streets, a fact that came to light only three years later, thanks to
the investigative skill of the CBS television program "60 Minutes."

George W. Bush, Jr. - From COMPROMISED - Clinton, Bush and The CIA: A
reported conversation between Terry Reed and Barry Seal: . . . (Barry): "There
 ain't nothin' in this world more powerful that good ol' fuckin' blackmail,
Terry. And don't let anybody ever tell ya different. Jeeeesus Christ, I got
some good shit on some big people.". . .(Terry): "Calm down Barry. Tell me
what's going on." . . . (Barry): "Terry, what's most important right now is
for ya to play ball with these guys and get your ass down to Mexico ASAP. You
impressed the shit out of Leroy . . . Robert Johnson, too. I won't be able to
come to Mexico right now. I've got a little matter to take care of. But ya
get on down there . . . and I'll be joining ya soon." . . . (Terry): "What's
this blackmail you're talking about?" . . . (Barry): "Ever hear the old
expression, it's not what ya know, it's who ya know? Well, whoever said that
just hadn't caught the vice president's kids in the dope business, 'cause I
can tell ya for sure what you know can definitely be more important than who
you know." . . . (Terry): "What's this about the vice president's kids and
dope?" . . . (Barry): "I don't wannna tell ya too much, 'cause truthfully ya
don't have a need to know. But Terry, I been workin' with several federal
agencies for the past couple of years, as ya probably suspicioned. In the
course of that business, a person can't help but run across some real sensitiv
e information. It seems that some major players in the Medellin Cartel, whom
I personally know, ran across some knowledge that's very valuable to both the
Republicans and the Democrats. Real national security stuff. It seems some of
George Bush's kids just can't say no to drugs, ha ha ha ha. . . . Well, ya
can imagine how valuable information like this would be, can't ya? That could
get ya out of almost any kind of jam." Seal paused for a moment then asked,
"Ya ever play Monopoly? The information I got is so good it's just like a
get-out-of-jail-free card . . . ha, ha, ha, ha YEE-HAWWWWW." . . . "Barry,
are you telling me George Bush's kids are in the drug business?" . . . "Yup,
that's what I'm tellin' ya. A guy in Florida who flipped for the DEA has got
the goods on the Bush boys. Now I heard this earlier from a reliable source
in Colombia, but I just sat on it then, waitin' to use it as a trump card, if
I ever needed it. Well, I need to use it now. I got names, dates, places . .
. even got some tape recordin's. Fuck, I even got surveillance videos
catchin' the Bush boys red-handed. I consider this stuff to me invincible.
Now this is real sensitive shit inside of U.S. Customs and DEA, and those
guys are pretty much under control. It's damage control as usual. But where
it gets real interestin' is what the Republicans will do to the Democrats in
order to dirty up the people who might use this information against Bush." .
. . (Terry): "So you've got direct knowledge of the Republicans trying to
neutralize some Democrats before they can nuke Bush with this?" . . . (Barry):
 "Hell, yeah. I've been part of it. Remember that meetin' we had at SOB's
when I told ya, ya should play ball with these guys . . . Remember in that
meetin' I told ya I had a plan to blow the lid off the whole damn Mena deal
and shut it down due to adverse publicity? Well, what I didn't tell ya was
that project was already in effect, and the Republicans were already trying
to neutralize some important people in Arkansas . . . namely, the Clinton
family." . . . Seal took a break to communicate with ground control. When he
turned back to Terry, he continued, "Yeah, that day ya explained to me the
connection between the Ward family, the Rose Law Firm and the governor's
mansion, well I about shit! Ya see what ya didn't know was I was on a secret
mission by none other than the Agency to sort of uh, dirty up some people
real close to the governor. Now, I had been workin' on this through Dan
Lasater. Now Dan's a good ol' boy and all that, but he's gotta drug problem,
and he's got the balls to be stealin' from the Agency, too. From what I hear,
Dan's been doin' a lot of questionable out-a-state investin'. In fact, he's
stashin' a lot of cash in a resort in New Mexico." . . . "I was told to
exploit that, which I was workin' on. But you come along with this new
connection." . . . "I saw an immediate way to get some white stuff up some
noses around Bill Clinton real fast." . . . (Terry): "Barry, this is heavy
shit! Are you saying you were the source of the cocaine ending up around a
lot of important people in Arkansas? . . . There's a major scandal brewing
there. . . . Did you have anything to do with Roger (Clinton) and some of
those guys in Lasater's firm getting investigated?" . . . (Barry): "Terry, I
told ya when I met ya, I'm in transportation and I transport what the
government wants transported. In this case, the Republicans...and the Bush
family...wanted some stuff transported through Mena and into Arkansas that
would end up in the noses of some very prominent Democrats. And yes, I must
'fess up, I've had a hand in that. YEEE-HAWWWWWW! It's not who ya know, it's
what ya know. . . ."
. . . Wednesday, Feb. 19, 1986, turned out to be the last day of Barry Seal's
life. His blood, along with pieces of flesh and bone, were splattered all
over the interior of his car. The Baton Rouge police report, in cold official
language, described what happened to him that day: "Autopsy determined the
cause of Seal's death to be multiple gunshot wounds fired by an automatic
weapon," the crime report said. "Three rounds entered Seal's upper torso, and
four entered the left head. Some fifteen rounds were recovered at the murder
scene. . . ."

>From Harper's Magazine, Feb 2000: How George W. Bush Got Rich - A
heartwarming tale of influence, cronyism, and $1.7 billion, by Joe Conason: .
. . On December 6, 1994, one month after he defeated Ann Richards to become
governor of Texas, George W. received a large but belated campaign
contribution from an acquaintance named Thomas O. Hicks . . . Hicks was
easily one of the wealthiest men in Texas, and more specifically, he was the
chief executive of Hicks, Muse, Tate & Furst, an investment partnership he
founded . . . Of the scores of appointments made by an otherwise weak
governor under the Texas constitution, a seat on the University of Texas
Board of Regents is among the most desirable. It carries significant
prestige, opportunities for patronage, and preferred access to season tickets
(or luxury boxes) at Longhorn football games. For someone like Tom Hicks,
however, being a regent provided something far more valuable . . . Hicks had
conceived an ambitious plan for the state university system's financial
assets-- more than $13 billion-- that matched his own bold investment style.
. . . . Friends and long-time associates of Thomas Hicks, and his firm's past
and future business partners-- as well as major Republican contributors and
political supporters of the Bush family-- received hundreds of millions of
dollars from the University of Texas investment funds. . . . Under the
guidance of Tom Hicks, a growing portion of the university's investment
choices had a decidedly Republican tinge. On March 1, 1995, the regents voted
to place what would prove to be a comparatively modest $10 million with The
Carlyle Group . . . That a firm run by his father's associates would be
awarded an investment contract only weeks after George W. to office was
unseemly at best. But the Texas governor had his own long-standing and
lucrative ties to Carlyle that dated back almost a decade. Among his more
obscure business activities was a corporate directorship at Caterair, one of
the nation's largest airline-catering services, which was acquired by Carlyle
in 1989. The next year, a seat on the company's board was arranged for George
W. by the former Nixon White House aide and longtime Bush associate Fred
Malek, who was then an adviser at Carlyle. Although Bush remained on the
catering company's board until 1994, his earnings as a Caterair director are
not specified on his personal financial forms filed with the Texas Ethics
Commission. . . . These days it is the governor's father who benefits from
the Washington investment firm's largesse. Since leaving the White House,
George Herbert Walker Bush has been paid by Carlyle for speeches at events
sponsored by the merchant bank. . . .

>From the web posting by Real People for Real Change:
http://www.realchange.org/bushjr.htm - George W. Bush, Jr. - The Dark Side. .
. . Just like Dan Quayle and Steve Forbes, two other politically-connected
rich kids, Bush Junior joined his home state's National Guard. It's not clear
how he got past the waiting list, but his dad was a U.S. Congressman at the
time, and his grandfather was a famous U.S. Senator. . . . Instead of going
to Vietnam, he flew cool jet planes around Texas, valiantly defending us
against the Mexican air force. His political connections got him a sweet deal
-- they not only got him into the National Guard, and got him the last (rare)
training slot for pilots despite the fact that he scored the lowest allowable
score - 25/100 - on a pilot's aptitude test, but he was assigned to fly an
older plane (the F102) which was being phased out at the time, which meant
that he had no chance at all of going to Vietnam. . . . On this issue, too,
Bush has weaseled in a manner eerily reminiscent of Bill Clinton. He claims
that he joined the guard to fly planes, just like his dad. But George Bush,
Sr., a genuine war hero, joined the Navy, not the National Guard. Both the
Navy and Air Force had plenty of openings when Bush Jr. joined, but he chose
the stateside Guard. Furthermore, his enlistment form had a check box to
indicate you volunteered to go to Vietnam or not. His was checked NO, but now
he claims that the clerks there often filled that part out and checked NO for
you. Once he joined, Bush was promoted to First Lieutenant in just 4 months,
a very short time, and was given several months off to work on a political
campaign. He was also released 6 months early to work on another campaign. .
. .

Insider Business Deals. Bush, Jr. has made a lot of money off three business
deals. In each one, his contribution is hard to perceive, yet he walked off
with hundreds of thousands or millions of dollars in deals arranged by his
father's political cronies. . . .

The Oil Business: Rewarded for Losing Money. Like his dad, Junior struck out
in Texas and founded an oil company, Arbusto Energy, Inc., with $20,000 of
his own money. (Arbusto is the Spanish word for bush.) The company foundered
in the early 1980's when oil prices dropped (and his dad was Vice President.)
. . . The 50 investors, who were "mainly friends of my uncle" in Junior's own
words, put in $4.7 million and lost most of it. Junior claims that investors
"did pretty good," but Bush family friend Russell Reynolds told the Dallas
Morning News: "The bottom line was there were problems, and it didn't work
out very well. I think we got maybe 20 cents on the dollar." . . . As Arbusto
neared collapse, Spectrum 7 Energy Corp bought it in Sept, 1984. Despite his
poor track record, the owners made Bush, Jr. the president and gave him 13.6%
of the parent company's stock. . . . Spectrum 7 was a small oil firm owned by
two staunch Reagan/Bush Sr. supporters -- William DeWitt and Mercer Reynolds.
These two were also owners of the Texas Rangers and allowed Bush Jr. to
purchase a chunk of the team cheaply; he later sold it for over 24 times what
he paid. . . . Within two years of purchasing Arbusto and making Bush Jr.
president, Spectrum 7 was itself in trouble; it lost $400,000 in its last 6
months of operation. That ended in 1986, when Harken Energy Corporation
bought Spectrum 7's 180-well operation. . . . Junior got $227,000 worth of
Harken stock, and a lot more. He was named to the board of directors, made
$80,000 to $100,000 a year well into the 1990's as a "consultant" to Harken,
and was allowed to buy Harken stock at 40% below face value. . . . He also
borrowed $180,375 from Harken at very low rates; the company's 1989 and 1990
SEC filings said it "forgave" $341,000 in loans to unspecified executives. .
. . So, what did Junior do for all this money? It's hard to say exactly, but t
hings happened for Harken after Junior came on board: it got a $25 million
stock offering from an unusual bank with CIA ties; it won a surprise
exclusive drilling contract with Bahrain, a small Mideast country; and an
Arab member of its Board of Directors was invited to White House policy
meetings with Pres. George Bush and National Security Adviser Brent
Scowcroft. . . .

Easy Money From Odd Sources. . . . The firm's $25 million stock offering was
underwritten by Stephens, Inc., an Arkansas bank whose head, Jackson Stephens,
 was on President Bush's "Team 100." (That was a group of 249 rich persons
who gave at least $100,000 each to his presidential campaign committee.)
Stephens place the offering with the London subsidiary of Union Bank of
Switzerland, which (according to the Wall Street Journal) was not known as an
investor in small American companies. . . . Union Bank did have other
connections: it was a joint-venture with the notorious BCCI in a Geneva-based
bank, and was involved in a scandal surrounding the Nugan Hand Bank, a CIA
operation in Australia whose executives were advised by William Quasha, the
father of Harken's chairman (Alan Quasha). Union Bank was also involved in
scandals surrounding Panamanian money laundering by BCCI, and Ferdinand
Marcos' movement of 325 tons of gold out of the Philippines. . . .

Selling Oil Stock Just Before Iraq Invaded. . . . George Bush, Jr. sold 60%
of his stock in Harken Oil in June, 1990 for $848,560. That was brilliant
timing; in August, Iraq invaded Kuwait and Harken's stock dropped 25%. Soon
after, a big quarterly loss caused it to drop further. . . . A secret State
Department memo in May of that year had warned that Saddam was out of
control, and listed options for responding to him, including an oil ban that
might affect U.S. oil prices. . . . We can't be sure that the President or an
aide mentioned these developments to his son, or that Harken's representative
who was admitted to meetings with the President picked up something and
reported back to Junior. But it is the simplest and most logical explanation.
The Bushes acknowledge that George Sr. and his sons consult on political
strategy and other matters constantly. . . . Furthermore, Harken's internal
financial advisers at Smith Barney had issued a report in May warning of the
company's deteriorating finances. Harken owed more that $150 million to banks
and other creditors at the time. George Bush, Jr. was a member of the board
and also of Harken's restructuring committee, which met in May and worked
directly with the Smith Barney consultants. He must have known of these
warnings. . . . These are pretty clear-cut indications of illegal insider
trading. The Securities and Exchange Commission, controlled at the time by
President George Bush, investigated but chose not to press charges. . . .
Junior also violated another SEC rule explicitly. He was required to register
his sale as an insider trade by July 10, 1990, but didn't until March 1991,
after the Gulf War was over. He was not punished or cited. . . .

See also: Richard Rainwater; Thomas Hicks; Carlyle Group.
Harold E. Bigler, Jr. - See Crossroads Group.

Harry Oppenheimer - From Conspirators' Hierarchy: . . . in 1981 Harry
Oppenheimer, chairman of the giant Anglo American Corporation that controls go
ld and diamond mining . . . stated that he was about to launch into the North
American banking market. Oppenheimer promptly invested $10 billion in a
specially created vehicle for the purpose of buying into big banks in the
U.S., among which was Citicorp. Oppenheimer's investment vehicle was called Mi
norco, which set up shop in Bermuda, a British royal family preserve. On the
board of Minorco was to be found Walter Wriston of Citicorp and Robert Clare,
its chief counsel.
See also: Citigroup.

Haley Barbour - See National Policy Forum.
Harvey Golub - CEO of American Express. In 1998, Golub packed away over $7
million in salary, bonus and other compensation from American Express. Add
another $3.8 million in stock options to Golub and you have a nice total of
over $10.9 million for the year. And Harvey has another $60 million in
unexercised stock options from previous years socked away for that rainy day.
See also: American Express.

Henry A. Kissinger - From Conspirators' Hierarchy: . . . The way in which
Henry Kissinger, the RIIA's chief asset in the United States, came to power
is a story of the triumph of the institution of the British monarchy over the
Republic of the United States of America. It is a tale of horror, too long to
be included here. Nevertheless, it would be remiss of me if I did not mention
just a few of the highlights of Kissinger's rise to fame, fortune and power.
. . By the mid 1960's Kissinger had proved his worth to the Round Table and
the RIIA, and thus to the British monarchy. As a reward and a test of what he
had learned, Kissinger was placed in charge of a small group consisting of Jam
es Schlessinger, Alexander Haig, and Daniel Ellsberg, the Round Table was
using to conduct a series of experiments. Cooperating with this group was the
Institute of Policy Studies chief theoretician Noam Chomsky. . . Once
Kissinger was installed as National Security Advisor, (General Fritz) Kramer
got Haig the job as his deputy. Ellsberg, Haig and Kissinger then set in
motion the RIIA's Watergate plan to oust President Nixon for disobeying
direct instructions. Haig played the lead role in brainwashing and confusing
President Nixon, and in effect it was Kissinger who ran the White House
during this softening up of the President. As I mentioned in 1984, Haig was
the White House go-between known as "Deep Throat," passing information to the
Washington Post team of Woodward and Bernstein.

Henry H. Peters - From RICO lawsuit - Civil No. CV 99 00304-DAE: Harmon v.
Federal Insurance Co., P&C Insurance Co. Inc.; Marsh & McLennan, Inc.,
PricewaterhouseCoopers, et al: . . . Defendant Trustee Henry H. Peters, was
appointed in 1984 by the Justices of the Supreme Court of the State of
Hawaii, acting as individuals, and was entrusted with the fiduciary duty to
administer the Estate of Bernice Pauahi Bishop for the education of the
children of Hawaii. . . At the time of his appointment and until 1992, he was
a member of the Hawaii House of Representatives. He also served as speaker of
the House of Representatives from 1981 to 1986. His latest annual
compensation for 1998 has been reported to exceed $1,000,000. . . . Defendant
Peters is also Chairman of the Board of Directors of P&C. Peters has also
served on the Board of Directors of Mid-Ocean Reinsurance Co. (a Bermuda
company); Underwriters Capital (Merritt) Insurance Co. (a Bermuda company); So
Cal Holdings, Inc.; and numerous other companies owned by, or related to,
KSBE. . . . Beginning around March 1996, Harmon began questioning what
appeared to be excessive premium charges being made by M&M for KSBE's
property insurance, and for the fees M&M was billing to P&C. He again raised
the issue of his job transfer from KSBE to P&C. . . . For the next several
months, Plaintiff was subjected to threats, intimidation and various abuses
from Aipa and Kam for questioning the excessive fees of M&M . . . Harmon
asked Aipa about the status of his transfer. Aipa's response was that it
wasn't going to happen because "arms-length was no longer an issue,"
(referring to previous legal opinions from Price Waterhouse that the IRS
might revoke the Trust's tax-exempt status if it did not maintain arms-length
from its taxable subsidiaries). . . .

>From Equity No. 2048, Petition of the Attorney General on Behalf of the Trust
Beneficiaries to Remove and Surcharge Trustees: "The Trustees have been
unfaithful to the Will and the purpose of the Trust. They have failed to
comply with clear directives of the Will. They have subordinated the sole
purpose of the Trust to their personal gain. They have squandered Trust
assets intended for education by their excessive compensation, and by
imprudent and improper Trust management and investments. They have violated
Hawaii statutes and court orders. They have engendered hostility between
themselves and the Beneficiaries whose interests the Trustees were appointed
to serve. . . Peters became lead trustee for asset management in 1993 and
assumed responsibility for Trust investments and for due diligence on
prospective investments. . . . Peters as lead trustee purposely withheld
information on existing and potential investments from his co-Trustees,
dismantled the Trust's internal audit function, instructed staff employees to
withhold information from the co-Trustees, and used his position to approve
Trust payment of improper non-Trust expenditures. . . . As to Peters, the
effect of these violations has been that Trust assets have been mismanaged
and misspent to the detriment of the Trust purpose. . . . Trustees Peters,
Wong, and Lindsey have violated their duty of loyalty to the Beneficiaries by
using their positions as Trustees and by using Trust assets and opportunities
to benefit themselves and their relatives and friends. . . . In 1992, the
Trust invested approximately $31 million in Mid Ocean, Ltd. (Mid Ocean), a
Bermuda-based insurance company, and acquired 310,000 Mid Ocean Class A
shares. . . . In 1993, when Matsuo Takabuki retired as a Trustee of the
Trust, Peters succeeded to Takabuki's seat as a director of Mid Ocean. . . .Pe
ters served as a Mid Ocean director until early 1998. . . . Peters' service
as a Mid Ocean director fell within his duties as Trustee and was a Trust
opportunity. . . . While a director of Mid Ocean, Peters received substantial
director's fees and received options to acquire 6,000 shares of Mid Ocean
stock. . . . The Mid Ocean fees and stock options are assets that belong to
the Trust and not to Peters individually. . . . Peters has enriched himself
at the expense of the Beneficiaries by retaining the fees and stock options
for his personal benefit. (Note: Marsh & McLennan, and its subsidiary, Guy
Carpenter, were major players in the creation and management of Mid-Ocean.) .
. . The Trust presently qualifies as a charitable non-profit entity under the
Internal Revenue Code and thus is exempt from federal, state, and local
income and other taxes. . . . Maintaining the tax exempt status is critical
to the Trust and its ability to serve its intended purpose. . . . The
Trustees' duty to protect the interests of the Beneficiaries includes
zealously protecting the Trust's tax-exempt status. . . . By taking excessive
compensation and by using Trust assets for private inurement, the Trustees
have imperiled the Trust's tax-exempt status and hence the full effectuation
of the Trust's purpose."

>From Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 4/14/99, by Rick Daysog: Embattled Empire . . . L
arry Landry, former chief financial officer for the $4 billion John D. and
Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, which is a co-investor with the estate in
a Boston-based investment fund and a Florida apartment complex, describes
Peters as a savvy and thorough investment manager. . . . Deal promoters often
approach large foundations and charitable trusts thinking they have deep
pockets. But Peters brings a healthy skepticism to anyone who brings an
investment to the estate, according to Landry. . . . "Henry is extremely
bright and has the right kind of conservative (investment) philosophy," said
Landry, who now serves as chief executive officer of Florida-based Westport
Realty Advisers. "He's good at making sure that whoever they're dealing with
have their skins in the game." . . . In his review of the estate's 1994-1996
accounts, court-appointed master Colbert Matsumoto and the accounting firm of
Arthur Andersen said the estate -- during Peters' tenure as acting asset
manager -- generated an embarrassing return on investment of minus 1 percent.
During that period, the trust set aside more than $240 million in reserve for
future losses. . . . That woeful performance came as Wall Street was in the
midst of a record bull run in which investors could have made double-digit
returns just by putting their money in an index fund. . . . Peters, charges
stand out in lengthy Bishop Estate investigation. The state's exhaustive
investigation into the Bishop Estate appears to focus on trustee Henry Peters
as a central figure in the two-year controversy that's rocked the
miltibillion-dollar charitable trust. . . . In a September Probate Court
petition to permanently remove several trustees, Attorney General Margery
Bronster alleged that Peters took part in repeated acts of self-dealing and
mismanagement. The state's charges include: . . . Between 1993 and 1998,
Peters received options to acquire 6,000 shares of stock as well as
substantial director's fees from a Bermuda-based insurance company, Mid Ocean
Ltd. The estate was a big investor in Mid Ocean. Peters has since declined to
exercise the stock options, which would have been worth more that $400,000
under Mid Oceans's 1993 merger with competitor Exel Ltd. [another Marsh &
McLennan financial venture]. . . . Peters directed trust managers and the
estate's former Royal Hawaiian Shopping Center subsidiary to hire his friends
and relatives for unbudgeted positions and outside consulting work, according
to the state. The employees included former state Rep. Terrance Tom, local
attorney Albert Jeremiah and Office of Hawaiian Affairs trustee and former
state Sen. Clayton Hee. . . . Starting in 1995, a company headed by Peters'
nephew received more than $1.3 million in nonbid and subcontracting work from
the estate. . . . The company, Rhino Roofing, conducted renovation work on
Peters' Maili home. . . . Since 1995, Peters' former employer, Dura
Constructors Inc., received more that $2.7 million in nonbid work from the
estate. . . . In one case, Dura billed the estate $465,000 to build an
athletic locker room at Kamehameha Schools that was later deemed unsafe for
student use. The trust would up correcting the building deficiencies itself
and did not pursue Dura for the faulty work. Dura also conducted work on
Peters' Maili home. . . . Along wih his fellow trustees, Peters received
compensation well above that of comparable organizations. In 1997, each
trustee earned about $840,000 in commissions. . . . Peters and fellow
trustees also spent more than $900,000 of trust money to lobby Congress
against the passage of federal legislation limiting salaries for board
members of charitable trusts.

It was revealed by Sally Apgar in the 02/18/00 edition of The Honolulu
Advertiser that the ousted trustees used this money to "enlist" the aid of U.
S. Sens. Dan Inouye and Daniel Akaka in 1995 to influence fellow members of
Congress to vote against "interim sanctions" regulations that threatened the
trustee's $1 million-a-year paychecks. According to the article: . . . Thirtee
n confidential memos during the fall of 1995 through April 1996 detail the
trustees' strategy against the bill . . . The memos express the trustees'
intent "to kill the measure" and their recruitment of influential contacts
such as Inouye, Akaka and the Rev. Jesse Jackson. They also targeted others,
including Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynahan of New York and even White House
insiders such as Leon Panetta, then President Clinton's chief of staff, to
win support. . . . The memos give a glimpse of the behind-the-scenes
political power and influence the former trustees once wielded and describe a
costly, intensive effort to protect their interests. . . . As previously
reported, the ousted trustees hired former Gov. John Waihee and his
Washington, D.C.-based law firm Verner Liipfert Bernhard McPhearson Hand to lo
bby against the federal legislation... Other Verner firm members enlisted in
the effort included former Treasury Secretary Lloyd Bentsen of Texas, former S
enate Majority Leader George Mitchell of Maine and former Texas Gov. Ann
Richards. . . . The state Attorney General's Office has said previously that
the trust paid the firm more than $900,000 for its lobbying efforts on
intermediate sanctions legislation between 1995 and 1998. . . . Waihee alone
was in charge of swaying Erskine Bowles, then assistant to the president and
deputy chief of staff, and Doug Sosnick, then assistant to the president and
director of political affairs. . . . Mark McConaghy of PriceWaterhouseCoopers
LLP, a longtime tax adviser to the trust, was charged with contacting Leslie
Samuels, then assistant secretary for tax policy. . . . Congressman Neil
Abercrombie (D-HI) is also mentioned in the memos. For example, the Oct. 12
memo said, "Congressman Abercrombie is prepared to speak to Rep. Gibbons, the
ranking minority member, Charles B. Rangel (D-NY) and Andrew Jacobs, Jr.
(D-Ind) as well as GOP Rep. Nancy Johnson. . . .

>From Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 5/21/99, by Rick Daysog: It is alleged that
trustees Peters and Wong helped conceal $350 million . . . Two weeks after a
state judge temporarily removed four of the five trustees of the Bishop
Estate, the state attorney general's office today filed court papers in a
separate proceeding spelling out why trustees Henry Peters and Richard
"Dickie" Wong should be temporarily ousted from their $1 million-a-year jobs.
. . . In an 89-page proposed findings of fact, Deputy Attorney General Hugh
Jones argued that Peters and Wong helped conceal $350 million in trust income
that should have been spent on the estate-run Kamehameha Schools, paid
themselves $131,000 more than they were entitled to and failed to adopt
strict conflict-of-interest policies at the trust. . . . The result of these
actions deprived scores of native Hawaiian children of an education at the
Kamehameha Schools, Jones said. ...
See: Panin Group; Mid-Ocean Ltd (Bermuda); Underwriters Capital (Merritt);
P&C Insurance Co; Robert Trent Jones Country Club; Xiamen International Bank;
SoCal Holdings; McKenzie Methane, Larry Landry; MacArthur Foundation.

Hillary Rodham Clinton - From Boy Clinton by R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr.: . . . On
July 20 (1993), Deputy White House Counsel Vince Foster was found dead, an
apparent suicide. . . . On July 20, the day the FBI acquired permission to
search the office of David Hale, a member of the Arkansas "political family"
suspected of Small Business administration fraud . . . Mrs. Clinton, who was
in Little Rock visiting her mother, expressed her sadness. The White House
reported that she and Foster were very close and that Foster had overseen
matters of personal finance for her. In fact, as was suspected in Washington
and would soon be substantiated by disgruntled former Clinton bodyguards, the
two had been lovers. . . . Since I, as editor-in-chief of The American
Spectator, was one of the Clinton's leading catastrophizers at the time, the
gentlemanly thing for me to do is to set the record straight here and now.
That August Clinton's troopers were talking to two reporters from the Los
Angeles Times and one from the American Spectator, Brock. . . . Following up
on several leads, by the time of Vince Foster's death, I had enough on him
and Mrs. Clinton to report their affair in the American Spectator, but it was
not until the next month, when Brock met with the Clintons' former
bodyguards, that we developed sufficient sources to chronicle irrefutably the
Clintons' Big Chill marriage. . . . In August (1993) Clinton's longtime foe,
Arkansas lawyer Cliff Jackson, approached our Brock with a project. He had
four of the Clintons' security men who wanted to talk. Their motives were not
wholly public spirited. Two were miffed that the Clintons had passed them
over when choosing cronies for their new government. The other two would most
probably have remained silent had the Clintons provided them with jobs, but
the immediate provocation for their disloyalty was nothing more dramatic than
a typically reckless Clinton snub. After all the irregular demands he had
made on them in his pursuit of parties and security for his illicit liaisons,
he ignored their request for autographed pictures. That stung both officers,
Roger Perry and Larry Patterson, and their retaliation did him enormous
injury. . . . All four troopers had acquired a bland disrespect for the
Clintons, for Mrs. Clinton because of her bitchiness and hypocrisy, for
Clinton because of his lechery, childishness, and hypocrisy. Their grotesque
behavior was unusual even for a political couple. . . . After Jackson's
meeting with Brock all four troopers allowed themselves to be taped by him .
. . From August through October Brock taped more than thirty hours of
interviews, covering the Clintons from early 1970 to January 16,1993 . . .
According to my calculations (in November) we had the story ready to go. It
revealed sexual irregularities by both Clintons -- in the case of the male
Clinton, irregularities of rather gargantuan proportions. It previewed the
angry, devious, arbitrary Hillary Clinton that came out from behind the arras
in late 1995 when her billing documents suddenly appeared in the White House
residence after being under subpoena for two years. What is more, the
troopers' testimony revealed abuse of authority, misuse of state property,
and now blatant lies to the national press. It was a most important story. .
. . Our piece was in the galleys and being polished for a December
publication. It contained the most devastating sketch of a sitting American
president ever written, and Hillary did not come off looking all that homey
either. The information was about character, precisely the issue Clinton had
hornswoggled the press into avoiding during the campaign and precisely the
source of his administration's present failures . . . I decided to publish
the piece. . . . We would be on the street on Monday, December 20 . . .
Fortunately some sleuth at CNN laid hands on our piece in galleys. CNN
interviewed Perry and Patterson. It broadcast its interview on December 19
and news reports of our piece on December 20 just as we hit the street. All
hell broke loose, and December ended the Clintons' 1993 roller-coaster in
glorious free fall. . . . (On Tuesday, December 21) Mrs. Clinton denounced
the Spectator piece as "outrageous, terrible stories." She perceived
conspiracy. "I find it not an accident," she told the Associated Press, "that
every time he [her husband] is on the verge of fulfilling his commitment to
the American people . . . out comes yet a new round of these outrageous,
terrible stories that people plant for political and financial reasons." The
interview led the evening news. That day the Los Angeles Times also came out
with its piece corroborating our story. . . At least one of Clinton's trysts
had taken place in the Governor's Mansion since his election to the presidency
, making a mockery of his promise on 60 Minutes to err no more. Wednesday
brought more distress for the president. During three interviews that day,
questions about Troopergate flew at him. An Associated Press interview
broadcast on the evening news caught him glassy-eyed and stammering, "I have
nothing else to say. We ...we did, if, the, the, I, I, the stories are just
as they have been said. They're outrageous, and they're not so." . . .
Apparently, the "personal" problem persisted, for after the election, Clinton
had the aforementioned nocturnal meeting with the woman in the basement of
the Governor's Mansion, a trooper standing lookout as Mrs. Clinton snoozed
soundly upstairs (the consensus among the troopers is that Mrs. Clinton could
have slept through the San Francisco earthquake.) . . .
Wherever I went in New York or Washington, piquant intelligence reports came
my way. When Mrs. Clinton read our piece her violent screams alarmed the
White House staff and sent the president scrambling down the elevator from
the family quarters in a state of dreadful agitation. . . . Brock's story
held historic consequences. The corruption of the First Family was revealed
in vivid American lingo, and it prefigured many of the scandals that
embroiled that First Family in late 1995 and 1996. Brock's troopers had seen
the Lady MacBeth in Mrs. Clinton. In front of the Governor's Mansion in 1991
she exploded. "I thought something was terribly wrong, so I rushed out to
her," trooper Perry asserts, "she screamed, 'Where is the goddam fucking
flag?' It was early and we hadn't raised the flag yet. And she said, 'I want
the goddam fucking flag up every fucking morning at fucking sunrise.'" In
1996 the press began to report her coarse treatment of the president, but it
had begun back in Arkansas in front of the troopers of the president when she
would call the governor to his face "a motherfucker, cocksucker, and
everything else," according to trooper Patterson. "I went into the kitchen,"
after one such outburst, Patterson told Brock, "and the cook, Miss Emma,
turned to me and said, 'The devil's in that woman.'" Clinton is portrayed as
nicer but no more civilized. He was carrying on several affairs at a time,
using government personnel to cover for him and to expedite meetings with the
women and with various pick-ups. He bragged of his sexual gymnastics in crude
language, for instance telling Perry that Gennifer Flowers "could suck a
tennis ball through a garden hose." He engaged in sex in parked cars,
frequently oral sex about which he was obsessed, once telling Patterson that
"he had researched the subject in the Bible and oral sex isn't considered
adultery." The troopers described violent assaults by Mrs. Clinton on her
husband and whatever property she could lay her hands on in the family
quarters. . .

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