-Caveat Lector-

Li Saavedra wrote:

Thanks to John Kaminsky for passing this on. I don't have a URL or an email for Stan 
Goff and would appreciate them from anyone who might.

Lisa, quoting:

MILITARY MATTERS War Bulletin #2

Visions & Revisions
March 28,2003

Stan Goff

There have been two predictable aspects of Bush's war, one political and one related 
to the actual conduct of the war. These are not separable. The political destruction 
of Bush and his clique was stamped and waiting for delivery before the first tank 
rolled across the line of departure in Kuwait. And the Law
of Unintended Consequences is operating with a vengeance on the ground.

The rest is unpredictable.

The junta's diplomatic vandalism had systematically alienated the masses around the 
world, a force they underestimated wholly, and the underlying intent of the Bush cabal 
- a military solution for economic war - was understood clearly by the northern 
capitalist metropoles, by Russia, and by China. The Latin
American supra-colony, already in a process of break-up and rebellion, had inaugurated 
its second big wave of anti-colonial struggle, as others from the global south 
watched. The hegemon was breaking up, and war was seen by the Bush faction as its 
best, last chance. Even America's former multilateralist
partners - stung by disrespect and alarmed by the bright-eyed bellicosity of Bush, et 
al - had begun to thirst for US humiliation.

Now they are being slaked.

The depth of US bourgeois (and therefore generalized cultural) decadence has been on 
display for months, as impunity and falsehood characterized political discourse, and 
the last crumbs of American journalism were lapped up into the maw of the 
media-military nexus. Half the US population had accepted one
central and demonstrably idiotic assertion, that Iraqi leadership played some 
facilitative role in the September 11th attacks. Now enough of 
American-society-in-denial - especially white society - had its rationalization. The 
international legal framework that took six decades to assemble was ripped apart and
shipped to the same landfill as the detritus of US bourgeois democracy - similarly 
cast off in 2000.

The entire adventure we are witnessing was conceived from a really-existing condition 
of weakness http://www.freedomroad.org/milmatters_5_overreach.html. I have said that 
for some time. Even progressive forces have been intimidated by the raw power of the 
US military machine and the demonstrated willingness to
use it. There was the sense that it was a juggernaut. That's how bullies 
http://www.freedomroad.org/milmatters_4_victoriesover.html operate; through 
intimidation.

But they miscalculated.

I miscalculated, too.

We learn most from our errors, and it is through examining errors we refine our 
analysis and get closer to the truth of things. Now is a good time to critique what 
was written just as the war began in earnest. In "Rolling Start" 
http://www.freedomroad.org/milmatters_12_rollingstart.html, I identified several
variables that would complicate the conduct of the war for the US; the loss of the 
Turkish front, the last minute changes in the plans growing out of that loss, the 
canalization of the ground attack along a single south-north axis and corresponding 
vulnerability of supply lines, and the terrific impact of
weather. We are still waiting to see if my dire prognostications related to Kurdistan 
materialize.

But I made two very significant errors. I underestimated the quality of Iraqi 
resistance, and I overestimated the scope of the initial air campaign.

I stated: "The Iraqi military won't prevail because they can't. They are weak, 
under-resourced, poorly led, and demoralized. What the delays mean is that the US will 
depend on sustaining the initiative and momentum through brutal, incessant bombing 
designed to destroy every soldier, every installation, every
vehicle, every field kitchen in the Iraqi military."

What I did not know, which is becoming very apparent, is that while Donald Rumsfeld 
was imposing his vaunted "Revolution in Military Affairs," his crackpot theory of 
"network centric warfare" that substitutes technology for leadership (against fierce 
resistance from the Army and Marines) on the US armed
forces, there was another revolution in military affairs going on inside Iraq. The 
Iraqi military was reorganizing from the ground up for an agile, decentralized, 
urban-based warfighting capability, that abandoned Soviet-style conventional 
armor-centric doctrine for something more akin to doctrine that was
taught but seldom practiced by Special Operations forces in the US during the Cold 
War, particularly "stay-behind" disruption of enemy lines of communications, once the 
primary mission of 10th Special Forces in the event of a general conflict with the 
Warsaw Pact.

And the massive bombing.

It remains to be seen, but it was not used as I thought it would be, probably for two 
reasons; political pressure to paint a humanitarian face on the invasion, and 
reluctance - given the ongoing economic crisis in the US - to impose too high a cost 
on post-invasion infrastructure repairs.

I am reminded now of T. S. Eliot's poem, The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock, where 
Prufrock's neurotic internal voice tells him there will be "time yet for a hundred 
indecisions, And for a hundred visions and revisions. In a minute there is time, For 
decisions and revisions which a minute will reverse."

Surely, if we sent a copy of "Prufrock" to the Bush cabinet, they might weep with 
recognition.

Everything that could have gone wrong with the American invasion is going wrong, and 
the longer it goes, the wronger it gets. And with these reversals, the danger to 
everyone increases by orders of magnitude. Especially Iraqis.

The efficacy of Iraqi tactics is being met with revisions of the Rules of Engagement 
(ROE in military-speak). These are the rules related to when soldiers can and can not 
"engage" (that means attempt to kill) enemy soldiers and civilians. As the invasion 
began, the ROE was comparatively strict. Embedded
reporters were pretty close to the action, after all, and there was the underwriting 
assumption that there would be no significant resistance. On Tuesday, March 25th, 
CENTCOM began openly saying they would change the ROE to reflect the "new reality."

With the end of the sandstorms, the US Air Force and Navy resumed its air assault, 
this time testing its 4,700 pound bunker busters on Baghdad. Army Apache helicopters 
and Air Force A-10's (the weapons platform that fires depleted uranium rounds) are 
hitting forward of the Army and Marine axis of advance,
using the "new" ROE, and reports are already filtering out of Iraq of nightmarish 
scenes of scorched and shattered vehicles and bodies that include passenger cars, 
buses, and plenty of civilians.

It has become apparent, given the continued furious resistance of the Iraqis, 
including audacious attacks on both US supply lines and combat units, that Baghdad 
will be no cakewalk. Bush and his generals are now at a fork in the road, where they 
must choose either to wreck Baghdad or lay siege to it. House to
house fighting in Baghdad will begin a televised file of military caskets returning to 
America. That will quickly become intolerable, and the administration will collapse. 
The other unthinkable option Bush has is to quit. Quit.

That must be our demand. Out of Iraq, now!

But they won't. They are now caught in the same deadly trap they have built for Iraq.

The sad truth seems to be, we are witnessing the certain political self-destruction of 
Bush & Co., but it will come at a cost paid for with many Iraqi lives. I expect a 
renewed American assault before the weekend is past, and this one with a shattering 
display of air power.

It is costing American lives now, too. More than we know.

On Thursday, the 27th, during a CENTCOM briefing, the charming and affable Brigadier 
General Vincent Brooks became short with reporters and flatly stated that CENTCOM 
would not release US casualty figures any longer.

The night prior, an embedded CNN reporter had broadcast in real-time that Marines near 
Nasiriyah were engaged in a firefight with Iraqis that wounded 21 Marines within one 
hour. Eleven from Camp Lejuene, NC, near where I live, are dead.

Things are gong very badly for troops on the long northbound column. Vehicles are 
deadlined from the sand. People are frightened, underslept, and they stink. The tempo 
that exhilarated them three days ago is now turning to deep muscular and psychological 
fatigue. Many are now wondering what they have gotten
into. Thoughts of dying in a state of discomfort are popping up, thoughts of being 
maimed for life. Tempers are flaring. The food is all starting to taste the same. The 
mosquitoes and sand flies are thick at night. Supply disruptions have created a 
tobacco shortage. Home is unreachable. People are crying
silently in the dark. A goodly number of these people haven't yet reached their 20th 
birthday.

These are the lads who will be driven forward soon in the next assault. An image on 
the television. a Marine Amtrack rolled over, upended in a swamp; literally, a 
quagmire.

Donald Rumsfeld has taken to threatening Iranians and Syrians, excoriating the press 
for their "mood swings." Rumsfeld is living to regret his Orwellian propaganda ploy of 
"embedding" the press. Now many will become witnesses.

His "revolution in military affairs" has become a "revolution in rationalizations."

The conventional Generals, steeped in their own orthodoxies, are saying Rumsfeld's 
mistake was trying to "do it on the cheap," that he didn't put enough forces on the 
ground. He stretched them thin along their primary avenue of approach to Baghdad and 
exposed their supply lines. This is all true, but it's very
incomplete.

My outgoing Battalion commander when I first reported in the 2nd Ranger Battalion in 
1979 was then-Colonel Wayne Downing. Downing is a retired General now, and a pundit 
working for MSNBC. He had a different take.

"These are people who love their country," he said, "and apparently they're willing to 
fight to defend it from an invader."

When Downing and I were assigned to the early Rangers, we trained incessantly on the 
same kinds of tactics that are now being employed by the Iraqis. Reconnaissance, 
ambush, and raid.

Rumsfeld's error is not only the size of his forces. What the media has failed to 
recognize is the role technology plays not only in projecting violence onto the 
battlefield, but in replacing the intuition of field commanders for making decisions. 
I predict that some day, when the dust settles and someone
takes a serious look at what happened militarily in Iraq in 2003, this subordination 
of thinking to technology - along with the small unit decentralization of Iraqi 
forces, forces who were willing to fight an invader - will be identified as the 
decisive factors in what is shaping up to be a very Pyrrhic
victory for the US, and a world historic turning point in relations between the global 
north and south.

For the first time, I am slightly less than 100 percent sure there will be a victory 
at all. That is a hugely qualified statement, but the improbable can become the real 
as abruptly as an accident. Another enormous sandstorm, new variables from outside the 
country, an open outbreak of guerrilla war in
Afghanistan, a colossal act of American stupidity. these are the stuff of catalysts.

The administration has impressed the whole chain of command into the service of lies. 
The US kills civilians in a marketplace. The Iraqis did it. The Iraqis are "forcing 
their own people to wage suicide attacks". What began with an insipid conversation 
about whether or not Saddam was dead has progressed
through a chemical factory that wasn't operational, a Basra uprising that didn't 
exist, thousands of phantom Iraqi prisoners of war, the miraculous rediscovery of the 
Geneva Convention, to this lurid tale retold by Washington Post reporter Walter 
Lippman on March 28th:

"As U.S. warplanes pounded Iraqi defenders with bombs and missiles, several Army and 
Marine units engaged in close combat with Iraqi paramilitary forces and regular army 
units. Brooks said they 'conducted active security operations to eliminate identified 
terrorist death squads,' a reference to Iraqi cadres
who U.S. and British officials say are threatening Iraqi civilians to compel the men 
in their families to fight.

"Rumsfeld said these 'death squads' take orders directly from Hussein's family, and he 
denounced them in some of the strongest language he has used since the war began.

"'Their ranks are populated with criminals released from Iraqi prisons,' he said. 
'They dress in civilian clothes and operate from private homes confiscated from 
innocent people and try to blend in with the civilian population. They conduct 
sadistic executions on sidewalks and public squares, cutting the
tongues out of those accused of disloyalty and beheading people with swords. They put 
on American and British uniforms to try to fool regular Iraqi soldiers into 
surrendering to them, and then execute them as an example for others who might 
contemplate defection or capitulation.'"

Cutting out tongues. They have finally outdone the Kuwaiti incubator story. Other 
rumors suggest "the Fedayeen also run after dogs in the capitol, capture them, tear 
their limbs one by one, and sink their teeth into them."

Lt. Gen. William S. Wallace of the US Army had a moment of clarity when he spoke the 
real truth: "The enemy that we're fighting is different from the one we'd war-gamed."

Saddam Hussein has become the embodiment of a resurgent Arab pride. Bush has been 
reduced to one of those dolls with a string on its back that you pull to hear "Iraq 
will be free, Iraq will be free, Iraq will be free."

It might be funny if it weren't for the grim truth that the price of admission to this 
farce shall be a river of blood.


=====
"our government has kept us in a perpetual state of fear - kept us in a continuous 
stampede of patriotic fervor - with the cry of grave national emergency. always there 
has been some terrible evil at home or some monstrous foreign power that was going to 
gobble us up if we did not blindly rally behind it."

-- general douglas macarthur, 1957

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