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[radtimes] # 185

An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.

"We're living in rad times!"
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Contents:

--Colombia's Youth & Plays of Death
--LA To Send Gun-Toting Kids To See Dead Bodies In Morgue
--New satellite imaging technology stirs up worries
--World's biggest oil rig tilts into sea after blast
--With Yankees Absent: FARC Presents its Case to World
--As 250,000 Fill Zocalo: Mexico Cheers Chiapas Caravan
--Remains of Missing Atheist IDd
--Remains Identified as O'Hair's

===================================================================

Colombia's Youth & Plays of Death

<http://www.consortiumnews.com/031401a.html>

By Andres Cala
March 14, 2001

In the refugee camps of Colombia, children play act stories from their
real-life experiences. These are plays of pursuit and sudden death.
"Death is loose, and if it asks one of you where I am, tell it, 'I don't
know him,'" says 13-year-old Yorman Antonio Camacho, playing the role of
the hero of one play, "Panquemao," which translates as "burnt bread."
In this play, "Panquemao" is killed three times, but wins his life back by
smartly turning over magic cards. His first death comes when he speaks out
of turn and is killed by paramilitaries. "Panquemao" pulls out a lucky card
and Death  dressed in military fatigues and a white mask  relents and lets
him live.
A second time, the "killer army" returns and threatens to kill everyone,
including Panquemao's pregnant wife, unless they leave their land.  When
they refuse, the gunmen cover the faces of the townspeople with scarves.
Panquemao pulls out another card that forces Death angrily to spare the people.
Next, the terrified townspeople pack what they can and flee to the nearest
city, a place where they find themselves unwelcome and accused of squatting
on land that is not their own. Their shantytown on the outskirts of the
city is burned to the ground.
After being accused of leading "land invasions," Panquemao is killed for a
third time. And for the last time, he pulls out a magic card and lives.
"Panquemao" is a play the refugee children wrote and performed. But the
reality surrounding Yorman Antonio Camacho and the other 12 children in the
play is not so magical as their play, norfor manyis the ending as happy.
Like hundreds of thousands of other refugees in war-torn Colombia, Yorman
lives in a kind of national crossfire that shows little sign of abating.
Indeed, most signs point to an escalating conflict with government forces
benefiting from the introduction of more advanced weaponry from the United
States and a determined leftist guerrilla movement holding large swaths of
the Colombian countryside.
Complicating the situation more, right-wing paramilitaries have launched a
"dirty war," murdering suspected leftist sympathizers and forcing thousands
of others to flee their homes.
The pervasive role of drug money  implicating the government, guerrillas
and paramilitaries  has boosted the firepower of the civil war by making
the purchase of armaments easier. Chapters of this civil war also date back
more than half a century to violent clashes between the dominant political
parties divided over land reform and other social policies.
Now, intervening in Colombia's complex history of politics and violence is
the U.S. government with a $1.3 billion aid package, weighted heavily
toward military assistance.
The U.S. assistance is a key part of what the government of President
Andres Pastrana calls "Plan Colombia," a multi-front strategy with the
stated goal of fighting narco-trafficking while simultaneously battling
leftist guerrillas and the right-wing paramilitaries.
                                 Refugees
With his three brothers and his parents, Yorman lives in the slums of
Soacha, a town about a 30-minute drive south of Bogota, Colombia's capital.
Their makeshift housing has no electricity and no running water.  The
family has barely enough food to survive.
Before the spreading political violence, Yorman's family lived on a small
farm in the town of Playa de Oro. His father worked as a construction
worker. Their lives changed when the right-wing paramilitary forces of
Carlos Castano arrived.
Castano's armed men ordered all inhabitants to gather in the main square
for a demonstration. Then, Castano's soldiers dragged in two men who were
accused of aiding leftist guerrillas. As the men's neighbors looked on,
they were held down and decapitated.
A few days later, Yorman's father received a message threatening him with
the same fate unless he left. The family gathered up some possessions and
fled to the slums of Bogota, joining the vast population of displaced people.
The war, which claims 3,000 lives every year, puts civil society smack in
the middle of the power struggle as the various sides seek strategic
control over various parts of the country.
The Advisory Office for Human Rights and Displacement, a non-government
organization known by its Spanish initials Codhes, estimates that 580,000
people have left their homes since 1998 alone.  Over the past 15 years, the
total number of refugees is estimated at about 2 million, although the
government acknowledges only about one fifth that number.
Three-quarters of the displaced people come from the 91 counties where the
principal conflict is occurring, including the 42,000-square kilometer
demilitarized zone that President Pastrana granted as part of his
negotiations with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, the
largest guerrilla group with some 17,000 combatants.
Under Colombian law, the government has the responsibility for protecting
the displaced people, though the government admits that it doesn't even
know the full scope of the problem.
"Colombia lacks a system of information on forced displacement that allows
figures to be put on the real magnitude of this problem," acknowledged the
Office of the Vice President.
Based on the government's lower estimates of refugees  about 400,000  the
amount allotted for their survival is just a little over $8 per person if
calculated on the budget of the National Solidarity Network, the agency
responsible for helping refugees. The government has promised an additional
$120 million a year to tackle the humanitarian crisis, but even that would
put the aid levels at only $300 per person per year.
                                 Civil War
Pastrana has described the Colombian conflict as not a civil war but "war
against civil society." His critics, however, accuse him of pushing the
country deeper into a real civil war with Plan Colombia that has a total
budget of $7.5 billion.
The United States is supporting most of the military part of Plan Colombia
with 70 percent of the $1.3 billion in U.S. aid earmarked for advanced
weaponry, including more than 25 Blackhawk and Huey II helicopters,
logistical and intelligence equipment, and training.
To counter this government escalation, the FARC has threatened to expand
its military capabilities by increasing its arsenal of surface-to-air
missiles and other sophisticated weapons.
The third element in this growing conflict  the paramilitary Self-Defense
Forces of Colombia (known by the Spanish acronym, AUC)  also is enlarging
the scope of its operations. The AUC has grown to 9,000 gunmen financed by
drug trafficking and wealthy landowners.
The AUC accounts for the largest percentage of human rights violations
including the torture and executions of suspected leftists. Of the mass
displacements of Colombians, the AUC is held responsible for 71 percent,
the leftist guerrillas for 14 percent, government troops for less than 1
percent, and multiple actors 15 percent, according to the office of the
vice president.
An expanded war will almost certainly create more refugees. Codhes
estimates that another 190,000 people will be displaced by the drug
eradication program alone. Already, that drug eradication program has
driven 3,000 Colombians into neighboring Ecuador.
While backed by Washington, the military aspects of Plan Colombia have been
opposed by the European Union as well as international human rights groups,
including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. These organizations
predict that Plan Colombia will only enlarge the war and lead to more
suffering.
Yet, for youngsters like Yorman, the war and its consequences have become
the center of their life experiences. The fear of masked gunmen bringing
sudden death is never far from their thoughts.
----------
Andres Cala is a Colombian journalist who has covered the conflict since
1996. In a previous story, Cala examined the history of the war through the
biography of a Colombian guerrilla leader.
<http://www.consortiumnews.com/072599a1.html>

Another story about the Colombian conflict was written for
Consortiumnews.com by Stan Goff, a former U.S. Green Beret who turned
critical of U.S. policies in Latin America.
<http://www.consortiumnews.com/122299a.html>

===================================================================

Hey Kids, Chill Out!
LA To Send Gun-Toting Kids To See Dead Bodies In Morgue
Reuters

Los Angeles County lawmakers, responding to last week's shooting rampage
by a teenager at a California high school, have passed a law forcing
students caught with guns or making threats to view dead bodies and
watch autopsies being performed at the coroner's office. "Young people
need to see the results of violent acts," Los Angeles County Supervisor
Mike Antonovich said. "Far too many youngsters are desensitized to
violence. They need to realize it's not a movie or a video game when
someone is shot."

http://news.findlaw.com/legalnews/s/20010314/crimeshootingcoroner.html

L.A. County Coroner's Gift Shop
http://www.lacoroner.com

===================================================================

New satellite imaging technology stirs up worries

http://www.timesofindia.com/140301/14hlth3.htm

SINGAPORE: With close-up satellite pictures of Earth improving dramatically,
new laws are needed to protect the rights of those on the ground, experts at
an international space conference in Singapore said on Tuesday.

Commercial satellite images can now zero in on a single square meter (10
square feet), up from 30 square metres (300 square feet) in 1972 and 10
square metres (100 square feet) in 1986, said Emmanuel Nabet, managing
director of satellite imaging company Spot Asia.

"In 2001, we'll see fractions of 1 square meter (10 square feet)," Nabet
said at the Space Law Conference 2001, a forum on international laws
governing outer space.

Satellite images with a resolution of 1 square meter (10 square feet) can
show individual vehicles and people, Nabet said.

General guidelines for the commercial use of outer space are set out in
United Nations treaties passed mostly between 1965 and 1976 and declarations
passed before 1988.

Lawyers, academics and other experts at the Singapore conference said new
international laws are urgently needed to address political, economic and
privacy concerns brought on by new advances in technology.

Less-developed countries should be protected from espionage by nations that
can deploy their own satellites or can afford expensive satellite images
from commercial companies, said K R Sridhara Murthi of the Indian Space
Research Organisation.

"Today we know that there is no way to stop somebody from imaging any part
of the world," Murthi said.

"If a government is concerned about security, it should have recourse," he
said, arguing that private satellite companies should be required to at
least reveal what they have photographed.

Satellite images can map mineral deposits and other natural resources - and
poorer countries should not be taken advantage of by foreign commercial
interests that can afford the technology, conference delegates said.

Commercial companies "are interested in doing business - you cannot just
rely on their good will," said Tanja Masson-Zwaan, secretary of the
Paris-based International Institute of Space Law.

"You have to rely on international laws to safeguard the interests of the
developing countries," Masson-Zwaan said.

Several hundred delegates from around the world attended the two-day
Singapore conference on space law, which ended on Tuesday. (AP)

===================================================================

World's biggest oil rig tilts into sea after blast

By Luiz Andre Ferreira

MACAE, Brazil, March 16 (Reuters) - The world's biggest offshore oil rig,
owned by Brazil's state oil giant Petrobras, threatened to sink into the
ocean spilling crude oil on Friday, a day after an explosion that apparently
killed 10 people.

Three powerful blasts rocked the 40-story rig off the coast of Rio de Janeiro
state on Thursday, causing a fire that killed at least one of the 175 workers
aboard.

Nine workers were listed as missing, and Petrobras said on Thursday that
there was little chance they had survived. Another worker was hospitalized
with severe burns.

On Friday, public outrage mounted against accident-prone Petrobras as its
biggest platform tilted into the sea. If the rig sinks it could dump crude
and diesel into the open ocean, causing yet another environmental disaster.

Tense families of the workers also waited to see if the official death toll
would rise when search and rescue operations resume later in the day.

"Petrobras is much more worried about cutting costs than ensuring the safety
of its workers and of the environment," said Jandira Segalli, a federal
deputy who met with officials after the explosion.

Union leaders called a nationwide protest on Friday to demand safer working
conditions. They accused Petrobras of outsourcing work to inexperienced
workers in order to cut costs, thus putting its employees at risk.

More than 80 oil workers have died in accidents over the last three years,
according to the United Oil Workers Federation (FUP).

It was still not clear what caused the blasts at the platform, located in the
Roncador oil field 78 miles (125 km) offshore in the Campos Basin, where 80
percent of Brazil's oil is produced.

But damage to one of the rig's hulls threatened to send the rig sinking into
the ocean.

"If the degree of listing increases we are going to lose the platform,"
Petrobras President Henri Philippe Reichstul said in a videoconference on
Thursday. "It will only be clear by tomorrow (Friday) morning."

The immense structure was listing three times more than the Leaning Tower of
Pisa, according to engineers, and appeared on the verge of lurching into the
sea. If it did, at least half of the 1,200 cubic meters of diesel and 300
cubic meters of crude stored on the rig could spill.

Five boats are standing by to collect the oil, but they can only hold half of
the total amount stored there.

The P-36 rig can produce up to 180,000 barrels of crude oil per day, making
it the world's biggest platform, but after starting operations last year, it
was only pumping out 80,000 bpd, or 5 percent of Brazil's total daily output.

All production was halted and Petrobras said it could lose $50 million a
month with the rig out of operation.

Petrobras' stock sank 6.8 percent and Brazil's currency weakened on Thursday
on investor concerns that Petrobras will have to make up for lost production
with more costly imports.

Petrobras has also caused a string of high-profile environmental disasters in
recent years.

===================================================================

With Yankees Absent: FARC Presents its Case to World

By Andy McInerney
March 22, 2001
Workers World

Talks between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-
People's Army (FARC-EP) and the Colombian government opened
up again in the town of Los Pozos on March 8. Twenty-five
countries and international organizations sent official
delegates to witness the talks, which are being held in the
five municipalities vacated by the Colombian government two
years ago.

The recent meeting was the product of one in February
between FARC-EP Commander Manuel Marulanda and Colombia
President Andres Pastrana. The two signed the Los Pozos
Accord, which broke an impasse that had been in place since
November. The FARC-EP had frozen the talks at that time to
protest the government's refusal to address the wave of
paramilitary death squad attacks across the country.

FARC-EP Secretariat member Alfonso Cano read a statement on
behalf of the insurgency's General Staff. "We are dealing
with the task of democratically rebuilding a sovereign
homeland, respectful of other's opinions and with social
justice," he said.

"But creating the bases for this task after 53 years of
uninterrupted official violence is difficult, because the
obstacles raised are serious and the enemies of
reconciliation are very powerful."

The statement pointed out the decades-long practice of
paramilitarism, "the illegitimate and shameful child of the
Colombian State."

Cano also singled out the role of the International Monetary
Fund as a cause of the impoverishment of millions of
Colombians. He called for a five-year moratorium on the
payment of Colombia's foreign debt, and challenged the
Colombian government to invest one-third of the budget
during this period for the process of social reconstruction.

This money should be prioritized and dispensed by the Table
of Dialogs, where both the FARC-EP and the government have
equal representation.

He also called for three new international events to be held
in Los Pozos: one on crop substitution for illicit crops,
another on the foreign debt, and a third to address the
unequal distribution of land.

INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE WELCOMED

  >From the beginning, the FARC-EP has been able to use the
dialog process as a means to reach wider layers with its
message of radical social change, both in Colombia and
around the world. Every meeting has become an exposure of
the crimes the Colombian elite has committed over the years
on behalf of their imperialist masters. By contrast, the
FARC-EP's program of land redistribution, social ownership
of Colombia's wealth, and reorganizing the armed forces
points the way to what they call a "new Colombia"--the
socialist path.

The Colombian government and the big business press tried to
portray the presence of the international delegates, and the
agreement to form a 10-nation "facilitating commission," as
a concession on the part of the revolutionary movement. In
fact, the FARC-EP has sought to bring international
attention to its struggle for years.

In June 2000, the FARC-EP hosted a public audience where
thousands of peasants were able to present their grievances
in the presence of several dozen international observers.
Prior to that, the FARC-EP toured Europe along with
government representatives to explain its views of the
dialog process.

The new facilitating committee is composed of
representatives from Cuba, Venezuela, Mexico, France,
Italy, Canada, Spain, Norway, Switzerland and Sweden. It is
charged with helping to keep the talks from breaking down,
as they have several times since the most recent dialog
process began in January 1999.

What the FARC-EP leaders have opposed from the beginning is
any direct role of other countries in the talks themselves.
They have also refused government demands for "international
monitors" in the cleared dialog zone.

U.S. GOV'T REFUSES TO ATTEND

The two sides in the Colombian talks invited the U.S.
government to send a representative to the meeting. That
invitation was flatly turned down.

Instead, U.S. State Department spokespeople used the
invitation as an opportunity to criticize the FARC-EP.

U.S. President George W. Bush diplomatically called the
issue one "that the Colombian people and the Colombian
president can deal with." That leaves out of the picture the
fact that the U.S. is already intensively involved in the
Colombian civil war, to the tune of $1.3 billion last year.

Under the so-called Plan Colombia, the U.S. is providing
combat helicopters, counterinsurgency training, and
biochemical warfare for use against supporters of Colombia's
revolutionary insurgencies. Colombian activists call the
package a "declaration of war" against the Colombian people.

FARC-EP leader Manuel Marulanda was not surprised by the
U.S. refusal to come to the talks. "What are we going to do
about it? We can't beg them," he said. "If they don't want
to come and speak with us, then neither can we do anything
special to invite them."

For the Colombian government, the refusal was more of a
blow. Pastrana is under fire by some elements of the
Colombian ruling elite who want to abandon the talks
altogether, and having a U.S. presence in his corner at the
talks would be a publicity coup.

The U.S. government, beginning with former president Bill
Clinton and now continuing with Bush, has clearly opted for
the military solution. Plan Colombia is aimed at stiffening
the military's resolve and readiness to meet the FARC-EP on
the battlefield.

ELN BREAKS OFF TALKS

During the time when talks between the FARC-EP and the
government were frozen, Pastrana tried to shore up his
"peace" credentials by promising talks with the country's
second-largest insurgency, the National Liberation Army
(ELN). He offered to withdraw from a zone in northern
Colombia to prepare for talks with the ELN. The ELN is
proposing a national convention in the zone.

But Pastrana's promises were never matched with deeds. In
fact, while promising the zone, government-linked death
squads organized a campaign against the zone. Peasants were
herded into anti-ELN demonstrations at the tip of the
bayonet. Human rights groups documented the role of the
death squads and drug lords in organizing the "mass"
demonstrations.

This anti-ELN campaign coincided with a military offensive
against the insurgency in southern Bolivar province.

On Mar. 8, the ELN announced that it would "temporarily
suspend" the talks it has been carrying out with the
government. A letter from ELN Commander Pablo Beltran
charged that "there do not exist conditions neither of
security nor of credibility to carry out any new meetings
with the negotiation teams."

Battles continue to rage; U.S. mercenaries under fire

The talks between the FARC-EP and the government have been
taking place without a ceasefire. Battles between the
revolutionary movement and government troops are a daily
affair.

On March 4, units from the Jose Mar=EDa Cordova Bloc of the
FARC-EP wiped out a paramilitary base in the northern
Antioquia province. On March 10, FARC-EP combatants attacked
a communication center in El Valle.

On Feb. 18, the daily battles saw U.S. soldiers in combat.
The Feb. 22 Miami Herald reported that U.S. mercenaries paid
by DynCorp, a Virginia-based outfit that boasts of providing
logistical support to "every major wartime contingency
including Korea, Vietnam, Grenada and Desert Shield/Desert
Storm," came under fire during a search-and-rescue mission
in southern Colombia.

A Feb. 25 Associated Press report quoted a U.S. Embassy
official in Bogota as saying, "Sure the Americans get shot
at. We had 125 bullet impacts on aircraft last year, and I'm
sure that Americans were flying some of those aircraft."

The presence of mercenaries--undoubtedly linked to the U.S.
military and CIA--on Colombia's battlefields raises the
specter of a new, massive escalation of U.S. intervention,
including the direct participation of U.S. troops, on behalf
of its client regime in Colombia.

===================================================================

As 250,000 Fill Zocalo: Mexico Cheers Chiapas Caravan

Historic March for Indigenous Rights

By Bill Hackwell
Mexico City
March 22, 2001
Workers World

The long march for the rights of the disenfranchised and
neglected Indigenous peoples of this country, led by the
Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), roared into
Mexico's capital on March 11.

At 2:15 p.m. a caravan that had begun in the Lacondon jungle
amid the highlands of Chiapas was received in the famous
Mexico City Zocalo square by a wildly enthusiastic crowd of
over 250,000 people.

"We are here to demand democracy, liberty and justice,"
proclaimed Subcommander Marcos. "The government thinks that
today marks the end of an earthquake, but after today the
people who are the color of the earth will never be
forgotten again."

The route of the caravan had been carefully crafted.
Beginning its last leg in Xochimilco on the south side of
Mexico City, it then traced the path of Mexican
revolutionary heroes Emiliano Zapata and Francisco Pancho
Villa, who in 1914 briefly took over the city to push for
land reform for the peasants and poor of Mexico.

Disregarding security measures, the 24 Zapatista leaders
rode on an open flatbed truck that moved slowly through
middle and working-class districts. They were greeted by
tens of thousands of people along the way. Signs of welcome
and solidarity were evident throughout. Chants of "You are
not alone" and "Zapata lives, the struggle goes forward"
could be heard above the engines and horns of the caravan
that followed. A popular banner slogan read, "Everything for
everybody, nothing for us!"

DOZENS OF RALLIES ALONG MARCH

The caravan that had begun 16 days earlier had wound 2,100
miles through 12 states, stopping in small agricultural
communities along the way as well as in large industrial
cities like Puebla, Toluca and Morelia. The Zapatista
demands for Indigenous recognition and autonomy were raised
at 35 actos or rallies. A total of over 300,000 people
attended these rallies and an untold number lined the roads
cheering on the caravan.

Each stop had its own particular flavor and emphasis. In
Oaxaca, where the population is over 80 percent Indigenous,
25,000 people came out, many with signs against political
repression there. Local leaders talked about the struggle to
stop the federal government from privatizing the historical
archaeological site of Monte Alban, the famed city of the
Zapotec Indians.

Another significant stop was at Anenecuilco, Morelos, where
Zapata's daughter Ana Maria and son Diego greeted the
caravan in the town of their father's birth. As the EZLN
leaders laid flowers on Zapata's monument, the crowd began
to chant, "If Zapata were alive, he would be with us!"

On March 8, International Women's Day, the four women
commanders--Esther, Susana, Yolanda and Fidelia--conducted
the program in Milpa Alta. Commander Esther told the crowd
of 10,000 there that, "We remember the anniversary of our
sisters in New York who were fighting for a just wage. They
showed that without women the world won't change."

NATIONAL & INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT

The Zapatistas became known to the world when they captured
six towns on Jan. 1, 1994, the first day of the North
American Free Trade Agreement. In the 12-day war that
followed, 145 people were killed.

NAFTA, imposed on Mexico by the International Monetary Fund
and the World Bank, has spelled economic disaster and
increased poverty for the Indigenous people as well as other
Mexican workers and peasants. But the Zapatista rebellion
also signaled the opening salvo of the anti-capitalist
resistance movement to globalization worldwide. It was an
inspiration to militant struggles in Seattle, Prague and
Geneva. Now it will give added impetus to the protests
against the FTAA in Quebec on April 20.

More than 1,000 people from other countries--including
Italy, Spain, France, Britain and India--traveled with the
caravan. Over 200 came from the U.S., including
representatives of Pastors for Peace, Mexico Solidarity
Network, Schools for Chiapas, Chiapas Support Committee, San
Francisco Zapatista Committee and the International Action
Center.

Trade union banners appeared as the march got closer to
Mexico City. The Union of Mexican Electricians and the Union
of Mexican Telephone Workers called for defending the
dignity of the Zapatistas. The National Union of
Agricultural Workers brought 5,000 members to the rally in
Mexico City.

But the real backbone of the caravan was the 1,000 Mexican
activists who traveled the entire way. Many were youth whose
imaginations have been captured by the Zapatistas and the
possibility of a revolutionary movement against U.S.
imperialism. Large images of Che Guevara were everywhere.
University students kept joining the closer we got to Mexico
City.

When the caravan began in San Cristobal de las Casas it had
90 vehicles, 25 of them buses. By the time it entered the
Z=F3calo it had swelled to 300 vehicles and 50 buses.

MEDIA FRENZY & THE FOX GOVERNMENT

Throughout the entire 16-day trek media and government
helicopters followed overhead. Camera people in ninja
outfits riding motorcycles raced after the comandantes' bus,
followed by swarms of press cars and media vans. It was the
top news story in every newspaper every day. The entire
population of Mexico got to follow the journey on
television. The struggle of the 15 million Indigenous people
was center stage of Mexican politics.

Of course, some coverage has been negative. The reactionary
media conglomerate TV Azteca has given a lot of time to
representatives from the Federation of Employers of the
Republic of Mexico, who called Subcommander Marcos an
"irresponsible, ignorant demagogue." The Indigenous people's
poverty is their own fault, said these exploiters, and they
need help in determining what is good for them.

For the newly elected government of President Vicente Fox of
the right-of-center PAN party, this spotlight on the
forgotten and neglected Indians of Mexico presents a major
problem. This former Coca-Cola executive has tried to
portray himself as inclusive. The Zapatista leadership
refuses to meet with him, however, and instead has demanded
to address the Mexican legislature directly.

Fox has been careful not to criticize the march. He even
welcomed the Zapatistas to Mexico City. It was obvious that
the orientation of the Federal Police and other security
agencies on the route was to get the caravan to Mexico City
without provocation or incident in an attempt to limit
sympathy and support for the growing movement.

The president went so far as to invite the Zapatista leaders
to Mexico's White House, Los Pinos, but they refused, saying
it was a trap to make Fox appear in control of the
situation.

While the Fox government has met some of the Zapatistas'
demands, they have said that they will not leave Mexico City
until all 60,000 troops are pulled away from the area around
the autonomous Indigenous communities--in particular the
huge military bases at La Garrucha, Guadalupe Tepeyac and
R=EDo Euseba.

The day before the rally at the Zocalo, Fox released 14
political prisoners. But another 19 Zapatista leaders remain
in prison. The EZLN is also demanding that the San Andreas
Accords signed in 1996 by the COCOPA, a congressional body
representing all the capitalist parties, be ratified into
the Mexican constitution. This agreement says that the
Indigenous of Chiapas have the right to their land and to
determine its future.

The Fox government is afraid that giving in to the Zapatista
demands will open up similar demands from other Indigenous
people representing 54 different groups. This is the real
sticking point. Who will control the land--the people who
have lived there for thousands of years or the multinational
corporations that, using the crafty Fox as their agent, want
to exploit the rich resources of Chiapas? In direct
reference to this, Commander Moises said, "Those who want to
exploit Mother Earth have no mother at all."

===================================================================

But Suspects In Victims' Murders Probably Praying
Remains of Missing Atheist IDd
Associated Press

More than five years after Madalyn Murray O'Hair and two relatives
mysteriously disappeared, forensics tests have confirmed that human
remains found in January in a shallow grave are those of the missing
trio.  O'Hair, 76, her son Jon Garth Murray, 40, and Robin Murray
O'Hair, 30, her granddaughter, vanished from San Antonio in 1995 along
with $500,000 in gold coins.  At first, some speculated the ailing
O'Hair - America's best-known atheist - had gone off somewhere to die so
that Christians would not pray over her.  But investigators believed
they were kidnapped, robbed and killed, and their bodies dismembered and
dumped on a ranch near Camp Wood, about 125 miles from San Antonio.

http://news.findlaw.com/ap/o/1110/3-16-2001/20010316103046990.html

O'Hair's U.S. Supreme Court case (Abington School Dist. v. Schempp)
http://laws.findlaw.com/us/374/203.html

===================================================================

Remains Identified as O'Hair's

http://www.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2001/3/15/190211.shtml

Friday, March 16, 2001

AUSTIN, Texas (UPI)   A forensic expert said Thursday the remains of
atheist leader Madalyn Murray O'Hair, her son and granddaughter were
found last January buried on a Texas ranch, officially ending a six-year
mystery about their disappearance.

Dr. David M. Glassman, chairman of the anthropology department at
Southwest Texas State University, said forensic tests identified the
bones of O'Hair; her son, Jon Garth Murray; and her granddaughter, Robin
Murray O'Hair, the victims of a 1995 abduction and extortion plot.

Glassman said it was impossible from the surviving bones to determine
the cause of death for Madalyn O'Hair and her granddaughter, but it
appears Jon Murray was tortured.

"When we removed the dirt that was covering his skull, his head had been
covered in a plastic bag, his arms had been bound with a plastic
ligature, and there was some trauma in the form of defect fractures to
the side of his head and the back," he told a news conference.

Glassman said the fractures were sufficient to have caused Murray's
death.

The examination supported the theory of federal agents who said the
O'Hairs were killed and their bodies dismembered, possibly with a power
saw.

"All three of the O'Hair skeletons had been dismembered to the point
that their legs were all cut, between the hip and the knee," he said.

Glassman said the bone pieces were found scattered around the gravesite
and one of his challenges was to put them together and determine which
bones matched which skeletons.

Also found in the grave were the skull and hand bones of a man in his
early 40s. They are believed to belong to Danny Fry, a third conspirator
whose headless and handless body was found on the banks of the Trinity
River near Dallas in October 1985 after the O'Hairs vanished.

Fry's body remained unidentified for three years, and it was when
officials identified it that the plot began to unravel.

Former O'Hair office manager David Waters, the mastermind in the
extortion plot, led FBI agents and forensic experts to the bodies on
Jan. 27 at a 5,000-acre ranch 100 miles west of San Antonio in the
rugged Texas Hill Country.

Waters, 53, guided FBI agents and Texas Rangers to the bodies as part of
a plea bargain deal with federal prosecutors. He had pleaded guilty to
one extortion charge in a closed federal court hearing Jan. 24 to order
to get four other kidnapping and extortion charges dropped.

A sentencing hearing is scheduled March 20. The maximum sentence is 20
years.

Waters is already serving a 60-year state prison sentence for stealing
$54,000 from O'Hair in 1994.

During the January dig on the Cooksey Ranch, the law officers found
human remains, including a metal hip replacement joint, which led them
to believe they had found O'Hair. The 77-year-old woman had undergone a
hip replacement a few years before her disappearance.

Waters and the other two men allegedly abducted and held O'Hair, her son
and granddaughter at a San Antonio motel in a plot to steal the $500,000
in gold coins. The three were then killed, their bodies chopped up and
buried on the ranch, the FBI said.

Waters's third accomplice, Gary Karr, was convicted on extortion and
robbery charges last June. No murder charges were filed against Waters
or Karr.

Madalyn Murray O'Hair, who once said she was the most hated woman in the
United States, was best known because of the Baltimore lawsuit she filed
that resulted in the U.S. Supreme Court banning school prayer in 1963.

===================================================================
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