-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.zolatimes.com/V5.28/cr_drugs1.html
Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.zolatimes.com/V5.28/cr_drugs1.html";>Drug
Trafficking by the US National Security Co…</A>
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Costa Rica, Past & Present


Part 1: Drug Trafficking by the US National Security Council



by Zola

We call it the Ollie North International Airport. I have flown in and out of
it many times. It lies out on the Pacific coast of Costa Rica, near Nosara.
It is a tiny airstrip for small planes, originally constructed for training
(touch-and-go exercises) and for refueling. It is one of about eight
airstrips built by Oliver North in Costa Rica for support of the Contras.
And, as it turns out, it is one of the reasons that three individuals working
for the US National Security Council, along with the US ambassador and the
local CIA Chief of Station, were barred from Costa Rica for narcotrafficking.
I had heard rumors about this on the Internet. One hears many things on the
Internet—some of them true, some of them not. It is not always easy to get
the facts. This has been the case especially since a "CIA-drugs" research
industry emerged. Some of the kingpins of this research group are into
exposure for the same reason that Elmer Gantry was into religion, or that
Christine Keeler was into politicians: namely, it's way to make a buck. So
they deliver fire and brimstone, and then pass the collection plate. They
aren't very concerned whether their information is accurate—only that it
supports their thesis.
So I went digging for verification, and found it in the archives of the Costa
Rican legislative assembly (Asamblea Legislativa). A special commission had
been appointed to investigate the facts concerning narcotrafficking in Costa
Rica (Comision Especial Nombrada para Investigar los Hechos Denunciados Sobre
Narcotrafico), and it issued its final report on July 20, 1989 in San Jose (
Expediente 10.684, Informe Final, San Jose, 20 de Julio de 1989). It wasn't
easy to find: they had buried the report down here also.
Recommendation number 13 reads:

13. Que el señor Lewis Tambs, Joe Fernández, Oliver North, John M.
Poindexter, Richard V. Secord, no se les permita la entrada al pais. [p. 74]
Here we have three individuals associated with the US National Security
Council—John M. Poindexter, Oliver North, Richard V. Secord—as well as the
local CIA Chief of Station, Joe Fernández, and the US Ambassador to Costa
Rica, Lewis Tambs, all barred from the country. Fifty members of the
legislative assembly voted to approve the report with its recommendations.
Two members did not. One of these two—Leonel Salazar Villalobos—is now
himself in prison for narcotrafficking.
General Manuel Noriega of Panama is important to the story. Noriega was the
key to drug transport through Central America during the early to mid-1980s.
My story, however, will not stop with the Costa Rican legislative report of
July 1989. Rather, it will be brought forward to the present day, to the year
2001. For there is a new drug kingpin in town, a new "General Noriega," a new
man who is key to the Central American transport and distribution zone. In
due course in this series I will name him, and I will back up my assertions
with documented facts.
But first things first. Let's begin in the 1980s when Oliver North opened up
a narcotrafficking pipeline through Costa Rica. The pipeline is still here,
and Ollie North is still persona non grata.

The Southern Front, Noriega, and North

It is a simple fact of geography that Costa Rica lies between Panama, to the
south, and Nicaragua, to the north. The "Southern Front" were the Contras
under Eden Pastora on the southern border of Nicaragua—in the northern
frontier of Costa Rica. North's objective was to supply them with arms, food,
fuel, and whatever else was needed to fight the Sandinistas. In this respect,
there were already remnants of a network in place—one that had been used
previously to supply the Sandinistas themselves against the Nicaraguan
government of Somoza. This group was already experienced in dealing with the
logistic problems.
A key person used by North in organizing the Southern Front was John Floyd
Hull Clark ("John Hull"), who had lived in Costa Rica for about 20 years at
the time he applied for Costa Rican citizenship in 1983. Sometime in the
early 1980s he became a CIA asset—convenient, since he owned a lot of
property in the north of Costa Rica. Since CIA funds for the Contras had been
largely cut off, CIA Director Bill Casey had given North access to many of
the CIA's Central American assets.
Now, the legislative report and the accompanying documents are specific in
many details, but are weak in others. I have supplemented them with various
firsthand sources—Costa Rican and others. These sources generally express
respect for Richard Secord, contempt for Oliver North, and say Hull "was not
a bad guy." For whatever reason, Hull had become a tool of the CIA and did
what he was told. For this, he suffered. Drug flights (by contrast to others
involving munitions and supplies) were generally supposed to avoid the
landing strips on Hull's property. But when one of Noriega's pilots (Teofilo
Watson) mistakenly landed on one of Hull's runways, and lost 1200 pounds of
cocaine, the Medellin cartel came to believe Hull had stolen the shipment,
and so kidnapped Hull's daughter. They only released her once it became clear
Hull was not involved.
Down south in Panama, North appealed to Noriega for assistance to the
Contras. Noriega was an ideal ally. He could help by providing planes and
pilots. And, due to his close relationship with the Medellin cartel, he could
arrange for financing.
Noriega could also help in other way. Shipments of lethal munitions were
sometimes organized by Richard Secord. On at least two occasions Secord sent
a C-123 loaded with munitions through Costa Rica's main airport—the Juan
Santamaria Airport in San Jose. The C-123 was marked as belonging to the
Panamanian Air Force. Secord's legislative allies in the Costa Rican
legislative assembly included Luis Manuel Chacon Jimenez, Luis Fishman
Zonzinski, and the aforementioned Leonel Villalobos Salazar.
Weapons shipments (and weapons purchases) were financed, in various forms, by
drug shipments. Noreiga provided his stable of drug pilots to do double duty.
Weapons shipments ended up in northern Costa Rica. For drug shipments from
Colombia, Costa Rica was only a refueling stop. The planes would then fly
over or around Nicaragua, the drugs ultimately destined for Mexico and the
United States.
Noriega's drug pilots were overseen by the Panamanian pilot Floyd Carlton
Caceres. The other pilots in the network included two Panamanians (Teofilo
Watson and Anibal Antonio Aizpruna), two Mexicans (Alejandro Benitez and
Cecilio Saenz), one Colombian (Rodrigo Ortiz), and one Spaniard (Miguel
Alemany Soto).
The planes would refuel at the Costa Rican landing strips in Tamarindo,
Sardinal, Las Loras, Llano Grande, Ciruelas, and Coyolar. Security at these
sites was provided by the Costa Rican Colonel Edwin Viales Rodriquez, the
former Department Chief of the Rural Assistance Guard in Guanacaste. (Costa
Rica has no actual military.) Meanwhile, the US had secured Costa Rica's
cooperation in allowing flights "to aid the Contras" with promises of
economic aid and of military protection in case of invasion of Costa Rica by
the Sandinistas.
So, under the aegis of Contra support, Oliver North helped turn Costa Rica
into an international drug pipeline.
(to be continued)
-30-
from The Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 5, No 28, July 9, 2001
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Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
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