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E ] A Hard Day's Night: John Ellis'…</A>
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A Hard Day's Night: John Ellis' Firsthand Account of Election Night

It was as hairy as it gets in the news business. But it was especially so for
George W. Bush's cousin, who manned the Fox News election desk. EXCLUSIVE

by John Ellis



Monday , December 11, 2000 10:52 a.m.



INSIDE MAGAZINE







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1 PM: THE MARATHON BEGINS

I was standing near the doorway, talking to my wife, Susan, who had dropped
by for lunch, when I heard someone say: ''Here we go.'' And in a rush, Green
Room One came alive with adrenaline and the clacking of keyboard commands.

I walked over to my workstation and sat down. After reciting the
decision-desk prayer (Please, God, do not let me screw up), I typed in ''GS25
FL P'' (for ''get state screen #25, Florida, Presidential'') and hit return.
Gore was ahead in Florida. I typed in ''GS25 MI P.'' Too close to call in
Michigan. I typed in ''GS25 PA P.'' Too close to call in Pennsylvania.
''Jesus,'' I said to no one in particular, ''this is tight.'' The clock said
1:14 p.m.

We spent the next 90 minutes looking at every screen in every state where the
Voter News Service had posted early Election Day voter poll data (the
infamous ''exit polls''). We also scanned the key contested races that would
determine which political party would control the U.S. Senate. First Lady
Hillary Clinton was comfortably ahead. Thankfully, that was one we wouldn't
have to sweat.





Just then, the phone rang. It was my first cousin, Texas Governor George W.
Bush. 'Ellis, Bush here,' he said in his best Texas drawl. 'Here we go again.'



Bearing down on us was a ''first-wave'' briefing at 3 p.m. for on-air talent,
producers and executives, a logistical briefing for Fox affiliates at 3:30,
''second-wave'' numbers that would be posted in the system at 4 p.m. and a
rebrief for talent, producers and executives at 5 p.m. In between were phone
briefings for Fox News Channel and employees in New York, Washington, and in
the field. The election night broadcast itself would begin at 6 p.m., as
polls closed in Indiana and Kentucky.

Six people crunched the numbers. Dana Blanton, director of polling for Fox
News Channel, and Margaret Ann Campbell, an independent consultant,
constituted the poll-analysis team. Their job was to prepare ''packages'' of
poll stories, two-minute segments that drew from both the national and state
exit polls, which aired every 30 minutes throughout the night. Tony Snow, the
Fox News anchor who served as the on-air poll analyst for election-night
broadcasts, narrated these packages. The poll-analysis team was so efficient
and so professional that I literally did not talk to either Blanton or
Campbell throughout the entire 10-hour broadcast.

The Fox News Channel's decision-desk team -- the group that ''projected''
winners and losers throughout the night -- consisted of four people. The most
senior member was John Gorman, president of Opinion Dynamics Corporation and
arguably one of the best pollsters in the country. A Democrat, Gorman had
worked with me on a variety of consulting projects in the past, and I trusted
him completely. More importantly, Gorman brought an astonishing wealth of
political knowledge and experience to the table.

The second key player was Arnon Mishkin, a partner at the Boston Consulting
Group and former colleague of mine (during the mid-1980s) at the NBC News
Election Unit. Mishkin had started in politics as a protege of David Garth,
the legendary New York political consultant. He was exceptionally smart and
unafraid of cutting against consensus. Like Gorman, he had great connections
to key Democratic players. While I did not share their Gore leanings, what we
did have in common was our love for the work.

The third member of the team was Cynthia Talkov, a statistical wizard who had
worked at both Opinion Dynamics and at the Voter News Service, the consortium
set up in 1990 by the Associated Press and major national TV news
organizations to perform exit polling and other data-collection services. Her
VNS experience was invaluable to us. We needed someone who knew the system
inside out, knew the details and pitfalls of each and every estimator on our
screens, and knew exactly who to call when we had questions that could only
be answered by VNS employees. Smart, tough and decisive, Talkov was a
passionate Democrat.

The fourth player was me. I had served as head of the Fox News Channel
decision-desk team since 1998 and was responsible for managing the projection
process. Having worked at the NBC News Election Unit for 11 years (1978-1989)
and having covered politics for most of my adult life (from 1994 to 1999 as a
columnist at the Boston Globe), I knew my way around election results and
felt confident that we could, if we kept our wits about us, maintain our
unblemished record. The Fox News Channel decision desk had made it through
the midterm elections of 1998 and all the primaries of 2000 without a single
inaccurate projection.

Overseeing these two teams was John Moody, the vice president for news. An
intense former Time magazine correspondent, Moody's job was to make sure that
the decision-desk team had reached consensus on each and every call, and that
all of us were confident the calls were accurate. Projections of winners and
losers were communicated to the broadcast control room through Moody.
Throughout the night, he also kept us posted on what the other networks were
doing and saying. (Although we had a TV monitor in the room, we had turned
the sound off and only used it to compare the on-air Electoral College vote
count with that of our laptop spreadsheets.) News Corp. chairman Rupert
Murdoch watched the coverage in an executive hospitality suite with Fox News
chairman Roger Ailes. Ailes kept in touch with Moody throughout the evening,
but left us alone to do our work.

All of the network and cable news divisions (and the Associated Press and
their clients) were dependent on the Voter News Service for data. It was
VNS's job to conduct Election Day voter polls in every state, but also to
gather sample precinct data in every state and collect so-called ''raw'' vote
totals from every county in America. As the data came in, VNS personnel
inputted it into the Election Information System, which analyzed the data and
provided statistical estimates of probable outcomes. The decision-desk teams
at NBC, CBS and CNN (one team), ABC, AP and Fox News Channel all made their
projections based on identical data provided by the Election Information
System.

2:15 P.M.: CRUNCHING THE NUMBERS

The competition to be first with a call was intense. But that would come
later. At 2:15, the Fox News Channel decision-desk team was still trying to
make sense of the first wave of Election Day voter poll numbers. I hated
first-wave data, having been misled by it on too many occasions. (The most
famous example of bad first-wave data was the infamous ''tie'' in the 1992
New Hampshire Republican presidential primary. President Bush ended up
defeating Pat Buchanan by 16 percentage points.) Yet it was impossible to
ignore. The first-wave data, I thought to myself, are telling me that Gore
might just win.

Mishkin, Gorman, Talkov and I all agreed that the first-wave data indicated
that it would not be an early night. Gore couldn't amass the necessary
Electoral College votes until at least 11 p.m. ET (when the polls closed in
California), and Bush's prospects were, if anything, not much better. To make
matters worse, Talkov wasn't happy with what she was seeing on the Election
Information System's Decision screens. In state after state, the system was
showing large numbers of what VNS termed ''bad'' precincts, which meant that
as much as 10 percent of the data might be wrong or ''corrupted'' in some
way.

Just then, the phone rang. It was my first cousin, Texas Gov. George W. Bush.
''Ellis, Bush here,'' he said in his best Texas drawl. ''Here we go again.''
And it was true. George W. and I had been talking on Election Days going back
to when he first ran for Congress in 1978. We had been through his father's
primary and general-election campaigns and his own primary and
general-election campaigns. I was glad to hear from him. Judging from the
early data, I suspected I would need his help as the night wore on.

Governor Bush was, as always, considerate of my position. He knew that I
would be fried if I gave him anything that VNS deemed confidential, so he
never asked for it. He made a point of getting the early exit-poll data from
other sources before talking to me. Sure enough, he had the exact numbers
from key states. ''Looks tight, huh?'' he asked. ''I'm gonna have to call you
back,'' I said. ''I've got briefings to do. But I wouldn't worry about early
numbers. Your dad had bad early numbers in '88, and he wound up winning by 7
[points]. So who knows?'' ''OK,'' he said, ''call me back when you can.'' He
gave me his private number at the residence in Austin.

The speed with which VNS exit-poll data leaked was one of the marvels of the
modern, Internet-connected world. But there was no time to think about that.
What loomed large at that point was the 3 p.m. briefing. It would be upstairs
in the executive conference room and everybody who had anything to do with
the election night broadcast (our coverage was being carried simultaneously
on the Fox News Channel and the Fox TV network) would be there. I couldn't go
up there and tell all those people I hated early numbers. I had to give them
a sense of what the evening would be like, what the most probable outcomes
might be. I turned to Dana Blanton and asked if we had the first one-third
sample from the nationwide Election Day voter poll.

The national exit poll was something they could sink their teeth into.
Although it was only at one-third completion, it was based on a large enough
sample size to generate roughly 3,000 respondents, making it truly indicative
of what might follow. ''It'll be up at 2:40, and I'll get you a printout the
minute it comes in.'' She was good to her word. I read through the results
quickly. The top line was Bush 49-Gore 48 (which immediately struck me as
wrong; too light on Nader, Buchanan and the other third-party candidates).
But the numbers that hit home were those on ''early deciders'' (Bush 50-Gore
48) and ''late deciders'' (2-1 for Gore). There had in fact been a Gore surge
at the end. It really was going to be a long night. At 2:55, I left Green
Room One and headed upstairs to the Executive Conference Room.

3 PM: THE FIRST-WAVE BRIEFING

One of the great things about giving an early exit-poll briefing is that no
one is ever late to the meeting. As I looked around the room, I was struck by
how far the Fox News Channel had come in the four years of its existence.
Seated around the table were some of the best political analysts and
commentators -- Brit Hume, Michael Barone, Bill Kristol and Fred Barnes -- in
the business.

The briefing went smoothly. After running through all the key state races, I
trotted out the usual caveats: don't say anything about the size of the
turnout, you'll only look foolish later; don't bank on these early numbers,
they can change. If we call it for Gore, it won't be until 11 p.m. because he
needs California -- which he will win -- to get over the top. If we call it
for Bush, the earliest that might be is 10 p.m., but the way things look now,
that ain't gonna happen. It's a close race, but we've got a lot of ''bad
precincts'' in the state exit polls and the Nader number seems light in the
national poll, so let's see what we see after the second-wave numbers come
in. Hillary's going to win. Thanks very much for your time and attention. I
then delivered a much-edited briefing by conference call to the news
directors of roughly 50 Fox affiliated stations. VNS guidelines restricted
what we could say to non-member companies. So I chose my words carefully. It
was almost 4 p.m. The second-wave numbers would soon be up.

I arrived back at Green Room One to find the Decision team already clacking
away at the second-wave numbers. There were 17 e-mails from newspaper and
magazine political reporters and editors of my acquaintance, all wanting to
know if the election was as close as everyone was saying. I went back to my
workstation and started keystroking through the new VNS data.

The thing that no one ''gets'' about decision-desk work is that it has
nothing to do with projecting winners -- it's all about eliminating losers.
The goal is to eliminate as many races as possible from your to-do list, so
that you can concentrate on the races that require full attention. Cynthia
Talkov and I had taped a list of every statewide race in the country,
organized by poll-closing times, above our computer screens. Our goal was to
put black Magic Marker lines through as many of those races as possible and
never think about them again.

This was especially important because we did not have a big staff. CBS/CNN
employ dozens of statisticians and analysts on election nights, as do ABC and
NBC. The larger the number of undecided races, the greater their competitive
advantage. The smaller the number of undecided races, the better our team
would do.

The second-wave data were all about eliminating losers. Rick Lazio couldn't
possibly overcome Mrs. Clinton's lead: loser. Put a line through New York
Senate. George Bush was a certain loser in California, New York, Illinois,
New Jersey. Put a line through those. Al Gore was a goner in Indiana and
Kentucky. Cross those out. The elimination game took about 50 of
approximately 100 statewide races (presidential, senatorial, gubernatorial,
initiatives and referenda) off the list.

What we were left with pointed to a Gore victory. He was ahead in Florida,
ahead in Pennsylvania, ahead in Michigan and making his numbers-the expected
percentages-in his naturally strong states. Bush, on the other hand, wasn't
making his number in Florida, wasn't making his number in Georgia, wasn't
making his number in North Carolina, Louisiana or Ohio, wasn't making his
number in Colorado, wasn't making his number in New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada,
New Hampshire or Maine. Dominoes tend to fall in one direction on election
nights. The dominoes all seemed to be falling Gore's way. What made this more
compelling was the fact that the VNS decision screens now showed many fewer
numbers of ''bad'' precincts. The data had been cleansed. The national poll
had been corrected. States were trending to Gore.

4:55 P.M.: GORE IN THE LEAD

I gathered together the ''race status'' sheets for the presidential and
Senate contests, as well as a copy of the updated national poll, and hustled
upstairs. The 5 p.m. briefing was quick and to the point. The race was
exceptionally close, but Bush was not meeting the targets everyone expected
in a number of Southern and Southwestern states. Late deciders had definitely
broken for Gore. There would clearly be no prime-time projection of a new
president. I told the Fox affiliates they would be well-advised to stick with
our programming after their local newsbreaks at 10 p.m.

At 5:30, I walked outside to have a cigarette and call Governor Bush. He
answered and immediately asked: ''Is it really this close?'' He already had
all the new second-wave numbers and expressed disbelief at some of what he
had been told. ''Yeah,'' I said, ''it's really close.'' ''Well, what do you
think?'' he asked. ''I have no idea,'' I replied. And I thought to myself,
Jesus Christ, it's almost 6 p.m. on Election Day and I have total access to
every piece of relevant data regarding this election and I'm still not
certain who's going to win. ''Well, keep in touch,'' he said.

I returned to my post shortly before 6 p.m. Exit polls were pouring into the
system now and the statistical estimators and models that analyzed the data
were beginning to firm up. Gore was looking good in Florida, better in
Pennsylvania, b

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