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MER Weekend Reading:

                          THE ETERNAL STUMBLING-BLOCK

                                           By Con Coughlin*

                                   "Not a hair of their heads
                                    shall be touched."
                                            Chaim Weizmann
                                            Israel's First President

 Sunday Telegraph - 15 October 2000:
 IT could all have been so different. Jews and Arabs enjoying an harmonious
 existence in the land of their forefathers, living side by side in an atmosphere
 of mutual cooperation and goodwill.

 At least that was the thinking that governed the actions of the
 early-19th-century Jewish pioneers who, attempting to escape the brutal
 anti-Semitism that had taken root in Tsarist Russia, set out to make a new life
 for themselves in the biblical land of milk and honey.

 As Dr Chaim Weizmann, the Manchester-born chemist who became one of
 Zionism's founding fathers and Israel's first president, would later write of
the
 movement's objectives, the Jews' main priority was to settle in the country
 without violating the legitimate interests of the Arabs - "not a hair of their
 heads shall be touched", he pledged.

 Indeed, had it not been for the active cooperation of the local Palestinian
 population, the early Jewish settlements might never have survived. The first
 colonists, who established settlements on the malaria-infested coast and the
 arid hills of Gallilee, had no idea how to farm the land, and depended heavily
 on local Arab help simply to survive.

 The turning point in relations between Arabs and Jews came one crisp
 December morning in 1917, when General Edmund Allenby became the first
 Christian commander since the Crusaders to march triumphantly into
 Jerusalem, at the end of a gruelling campaign by British imperial troops to
 conquer the Holy Land.

 Prior to Allenby's arrival, Lord Balfour, the British foreign secretary, had
 made a declaration to the House of Commons, which stated that the British
 government formally endorsed "the establishment in Palestine of a national
 home for the Jewish people". The Balfour Declaration, as it became known,
 was a watershed in the development of the modern Middle East.

 Balfour's statement was partly a response to the sustained lobbying of the
 recently formed Zionist movement that, in seeking a solution to the constant
 persecution of east European Jewry, articulated the notion of creating an
 independent nation for the Jewish people.

 Balfour was drawing on a deep vein of pro-Jewish sympathy within the British
 political establishment that dated back to Lord Palmerston, who believed that
 the restoration of the Jews to the land of their biblical forefathers would
 provide Britain with a useful ally against the intrigues of other European
 powers over the fate of the Ottoman dominions.

 More recently, the idea of creating a Jewish homeland owed a great deal to
 Theodore Herzl, a Viennese Jewish journalist who, in 1896, published Der
 Judenstaat (The Jewish State) after covering the Dreyfus court martial in
 Paris, in which a young Jewish officer was falsely accused of treason.

 An equally important factor, however, in Balfour's calculations, was his
 determination to place the former Ottoman province of Palestine under British
 control, thereby enhancing Britain's ability to protect and defend the Suez
 Canal, the gateway to the Indian empire.

 In his desire to help the Zionists and protect Suez, Balfour and his Foreign
 Office advisers conveniently overlooked the fact that, only the previous year,
 they had given entirely contrary undertakings to the region's leaders as part
of
 the deal by which they promised to support Britain in its war against the
 Ottoman Empire, a campaign made famous by the exploits of T E Lawrence.

 British officials promised Sharif Hussein, the Guardian of Mecca, whose
 family later created modern Jordan, that they were "prepared to recognise
 and support the independence of the Arabs", including those resident in
 Palestine.

 The duplicity of the British, which caused Lawrence to accuse his political
 masters of betraying the Arabs, doomed Britain's administration of Palestine
 to failure from the start. Throughout the course of the British mandate, which
 was to last until 1948, various high-minded attempts were made to find a
 solution to the contending political aspirations of the Palestinian Jews and
 Arabs, all of them without success.

 The decisive event, however, that finally destroyed any chance the British
 might have had of maintaining the peace in Palestine was Hitler's rise to power
 in Germany in the early 1930s.

 Until Hitler's emergence, Jewish immigration to Palestine in the early 1930s
 stood at a paltry 4,000 a year, hardly a figure to challenge the dominance of
 the local Arab population. But after Hitler came to power, there was a
 dramatic increase: 30,327 in 1933, rising to 61,854 in 1935.

 The surge in Jewish immigrants served only further to antagonise the
 Palestinian Arabs, who believed that it was yet more evidence of the
 duplicitous British establishment's desire to deny them their political rights.
By
 the mid-1930s, under the leadership of the fanatical Haj Amin Husseini, the
 Arabs were organising themselves to oppose the British administration by
 force, and in 1936 the Arab Rebellion erupted.

 With the outbreak of the Second World War, Britain bought off the Arabs
 with the 1939 White Paper, which made vague promises to establish an
 "independent Arab state" within 10 years. All mention of an independent
 Jewish state was dropped. Despite this disappointment, 28,000 Palestinian
 Jews volunteered to fight for the British, including a charismatic young officer
 called Moshe Dayan, who lost an eye fighting the Vichy French in southern
 Lebanon. Haj Amin Husseini, meanwhile, threw in his lot with the Nazis,
 becoming a trusted confidant of Heinrich Himmler.

 The end of the war, and the discovery of the true nature of the Holocaust, left
 the British in an impossible position. Their official policy was to prevent
further
 Jewish immigration, while many survivors of the Nazi death camps had no
 alternative than to make their way to Palestine. Britain's refusal to relax
its
 strict immigration rules led to many harrowing scenes, with ships full of
 bedraggled and emaciated refugees being turned away from Haifa harbour.

 Britain's intransigence prompted the Zionists to adopt the same terrorist
 tactics used by the Arabs before the war, culminating in the 1946 bombing of
 the King David Hotel, used as offices by the British, by a terrorist group led
 by Menachem Begin, a future Israeli prime minister. A total of 91 people died
 (28 British, 41 Arabs and 17 Jews).

 The Attlee government quickly concluded that Britian's position in Palestine
 was untenable, and asked the newly-formed United Nations to relieve it of its
 burden. In 1947, in an attempt to placate both the Jews and Arabs, the UN
 voted for the partition of Palestine, with Jerusalem to be placed under the
 control of an international peacekeeping force.

 While the Zionists, with reservations, accepted the plan, because it granted
 them their long-held goal of creating an independent state, the Arabs bitterly
 opposed it. Thus the British withdrawal from Palestine in May 1948, which
 was immediately followed by Israel's declaration of independence, prompted
 the start of the first Arab-Israel war, which lasted for six months and ended
 with the division of the country along lines similar to those set out in the
UN
 partition plan.

 One of the most significant results of the war was that Jerusalem was divided
 between Israeli and Arab control, with the Arabs controlling access to the
 all-important holy sites, including the Wailing Wall, the holiest shrine in
 Judaism. On the Arab side, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were driven
 from their homes, and became refugees in camps set up in Lebanon and
 Jordan.

 The areas of Palestine under Arab control were quickly annexed by
 neighbouring Jordan, and became known as that country's West Bank. A
 heavily fortified "Green Line" was established, separating the Arab and Jewish
 communities. To the enduring humiliation of the new Israeli state, religious
 Jews were prevented from praying at the Wailing Wall.

 This situation prevailed until the 1967 Six-Day War, when Israel's armed
 forces inflicted a crushing defeat on the combined forces of Syria, Jordan and
 Egypt. Apart from reuniting Jerusalem, the Israelis seized control of the Golan
 Heights from Syria, the West Bank from Jordan, and Gaza and the Sinai
 desert from Egypt. The territories occupied by Israel during the Six-Day War
 have been at the centre of innumerable peace negotiations ever since.

 The political vacuum created by the Arabs' defeat saw the emergence of
 Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organisation, which launched an
 international campaign of terrorism aimed at creating an independent
 homeland for the Palestinians - with Jerusalem as its capital - out of the land
in
 the West Bank and Gaza that the Israelis had captured.

 In 1973, in an attempt to wrest from Israel the diplomatic initiative that it
had
 enjoyed in attempts to resolve the conflict, Syria and Egypt attacked the
 Israelis during the Jewish Yom Kippur religious holiday. Both the Syrians and
 Egyptians made good initial progress in the Golan Heights and Sinai
 respectively, but were finally beaten back by Israel. The failure of the Yom
 Kippur War persuaded President Sadat of Egypt to abandon decades of
 hostility towards Israel and negotiate a peace deal.

 The Camp David peace negotiations, hosted by Jimmy Carter, the American
 president at the time, resulted in Sadat signing a peace agreement with Israel's
 Menachem Begin in 1979, under which Israel returned Sinai to Egyptian
 control. Soon after signing the deal, Sadat was murdered in Cairo by Islamic
 fanatics.

 The Palestinians were excluded from the Camp David negotiations.
 Determined to prevent the creation of a Palestinian state, the Israelis annexed
 east Jerusalem and built a network of settlements throughout the West Bank.
 The demands of the Palestinians for recognition went largely unheard until
 1987, with the eruption of the intifada, a violent uprising aimed at ending
 Israeli rule over them.

 In 1991, following the allies' victory over Iraq, President George Bush
 attempted to launch a new initiative to resolve the Arab-Israeli dispute, at
the
 Madrid peace summit. While the omens did not look promising, secret
 negotiations carried out in Oslo between representatives of the new Israeli
 prime minister, Yitzhak Rabin, and Arafat resulted in 1993 in the Oslo
 accords, under which the Israelis agreed to place territory in the West Bank
 and Gaza under Palestinian control, in return for a wide-ranging peace deal.

 Rabin was murdered by a Jewish fanatic in 1995, and, ever since, the peace
 process has struggled to survive, with Islamic terrorists staging suicide bomb
 attacks and the Israelis experiencing several changes of government.

 The election of Ehud Barak, a former Israeli chief of staff, as prime minister
in
 1999 was heralded as a new start for the peace process, and President
 Clinton, a keen sponsor of the peace process throughout his presidency,
 invited Barak and Arafat to Camp David last summer in an attempt to reach a
 final breakthrough.

 After days of intensive negotiations, the talks broke up without an agreement,
 mainly because of the failure to reach a deal over the future status of
 Jerusalem.

 Hostilities between the two sides recommenced last month, when the
 Palestinians reacted to a provocative visit to the Muslim al-Aqsa mosque by
 Ariel Sharon, a former Israeli defence minister who now leads the opposition
 Likud bloc, by attacking Jewish worshippers at the Wailing Wall.

  * Con Coughlin is the author of A Golden Basin Full of Scorpions:
     The Quest  for Modern Jerusalem (Little, Brown)

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