-Caveat Lector-

Contragate revisited..   CIA/cocaine connections

see:
http://www.copvcia.com
http://madcowprod.com/
 http://www.dcia.com/do-drugs.html
http://www.dcia.com/

http://www.onelist.com/messages/cia-drugs

Get involved !  Learn how to start a lawsuit in YOUR town against the
Cocaine Importing Agency of America.  Los Angeles and Oakland are suing !
http://www.copvcia.com/Oakland.htm
How to:
http://www.copvcia.com/classaction1.htm

Stop the war on PEOPLE, decriminalize drugs and take away the profit center
for the covert criminals behind the MAJOR drug trafficking.


Dave Hartley
http://www.Asheville-Computer.com
http://www.ioa.com/~davehart


-----Original Message-----
        Recently, the United States military lost a plane in the skies over
Colombia.  According to Pentagon sources, this plane was not shot down, nor
was it on any kind of mission that involved the civil war in Colombia.
These sources claim, with the backing of General McCafferty--U.S. drug
"czar", that the mission was solely related to drug production and the
so-called war on that production.  In almost the same breath, however,
McCafferty called for a billion dollars (yes $1,000,000,000) in military
aid to fight the drug war and the Marxist revolutionaries (FARC -Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia and ELN-Ejercito de Liberacion
Nacional)in the region.  Now, I don't know about you, but one can't have it
both ways: either the United States is fighting against the leftist forces
in the region or they are not.  My reading of the situation goes with the
former.  That is, they are and intend to do so until these forces are
defeated.  Of course, the likelihood of such a defeat is remote, even
should full scale U. S. military involvement eventually occur.
        This is not out of the question.  Indeed, the United States let it be
known during the week of July 26, 1999, that it has "a couple hundred"
troops in Colombia training elite battalions whose job will be to sever the
ties between the coca and opium farmers and the revolutionary forces.  Of
course, as any one with a basic knowledge of prior Pentagon training
missions in other parts of the world is aware, these trainers often
participate in military missions and may even denote an even greater U.S.
involvement in the future.
        In order to understand what exactly the Pentagon means in describing these
battalions' mission, it is essential to examine the relationship between
the peasant coca and opium farmers and the revolutionary organizations.  To
understand this relationship, it is first necessary to understand the role
drug production plays in the economy of Colombia. The peasants have two
basic choices in today's Colombia--to go to the big cities and become
beggars and prostitutes or farm the land. If they choose the latter, they
till the land and plant crops such as corn or plantains. Since these areas
were never developed, there are no transportation routes. Only by using the
rivers and crossing hundreds of miles overland can the crop reach Bogota or
other markets. By the time it gets there, the crop is unsaleable or has
become so costly that the profit is practically lost. There is only one
alternative open to the peasant farmer  who wishes to subsist : growing
coca leaves and, more recently, opium plants. Transportation costs for
these crops is provided by the drug lords, who move incredible amounts of
these products with the consent of high placed government leaders and the
armed protection of the Colombian military and paramilitary forces funded
by large landowners and drug lords.
        The FARC and ELN guerrilla forces operate in the coca and opium
growing regions.  Indeed, they literally administer these regions.  Like
various parts of southern Vietnam that were in the control of the NLF, the
residents of the region consider the revolutionary forces as their
government and support their administration.  In order to pay the cost of
running schools, health care centers, police forces, and other such
infrastructural apparatus, the FARC and ELN forces tax the drug trafficking
operations--farmers and those involved in the product's transportation and
refinement.  Although it is their preference not to do support the
dependency of the farming population on drug production, the reality is
that this is where the money is in rural Colombia.
        This is where the United States comes in, once again.  Most of these drugs
are shipped to the streets of our country.  This does not happen without
the complicity of government and law enforcement officials.  In some cases,
this means turning the other way when a shipment from a trafficker who has
paid off the right people comes through.  In other cases, the complicity is
much more involved.  Even those of us with rather short memories can
remember the U.S. involvement in the drugs-for-guns operation run by Ollie
North and his cohorts that supplied the contra forces fighting the
Nicaraguan government in the 1980s.  This operation (not the first of its
kind, by the way--see Alfred McCoy's 1991 book The Politics of Heroin: CIA
Complicity in the Global Trade) can be considered a model of how U. S.
government agencies cynically manipulate modern society's desire for
pharmaceutically induced escape to finance their dirty operations in the
service of various corporate interests.
        Speaking of corporate interests, if we follow the trail this leads us down
we may discover the most fundamental reason of them all for the U. S.
interest in Colombia: oil.   Oil is the most important commodity in
Colombia.  It represented over one-fourth of the country's exports in 1996
and close to 5% of its Gross National Product (GNP).  In comparison, coffee
represented 15.2 % and 3.4 %, respectively.  Interestingly, few private
Colombian citizens have any significant investment in the oil industry.
Instead, the majority of the exploration and refinement interests are
controlled by a state company known as Ecopetrol, which serves as a conduit
for foreign oil companies, primarily British Petroleum (recently merged
with Amoco to form the world largest oil company and may help to explain
the increased desire for a greater U.S. military role in the country).
        Over the course of the thirty year war, support for the revolutionary
forces has expanded into the cities.  This is due to the ever-widening
disparity between the wealthy and the rest of the Colombian population and
the military's harsh repression of those who organize the workers and the
unemployed.  Literally hundreds of labor organizers, social justice workers
(clerics and laypersons) and student activists have been murdered and
disappeared since the late 1980s.  Such murderous actions push both
activists and their supporters to a conclusion that armed struggle is the
only workable strategy for the kind of social change they seek.
        In addition, the recent election of and popular mandate for President Hugo
Chavez of Venezuela and his policies makes the United States awfully
nervous.  As leftist webmaster and history professor Jay Moore of Vermont
stated in a recent letter to various email groups formed during the recent
NATO adventure in Yugoslavia, Venezuela is next door to Colombia and
provides more oil to the U. S. than any other country.  Should Chavez
withstand the certain opposition he will face from internal and external
reactionary forces and put his democratic and socialist-oriented policies
in place in his country, the United States will have to deal with a
popularly elected leftwing government in its "backyard" for the first time
since the Chilean government of Salvador Allende.  As history tells us,
this means those U.S. citizens who support true democracy and oppose the
neo-liberal agenda of the corporation and their cohorts in our government
must do every thing in their power to oppose any attempts to destroy the
Chavez government.  As for Colombia, we must oppose any and all U. S.
military intervention in that country--whether this intervention comes in
the forms of "drug war" aid, trainers, advisers, or troops of any kind.
-Ron Jacobs
Burlington, VT.

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