-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.consortiumnews.com/100599b.html
Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.consortiumnews.com/100599b.html">The
Consortium</A>
-----

            October 5, 1999
            Bush & the Condor Mystery


           By Robert Parry

           Newly released U.S. government documents reveal that George Bush's
           CIA knew more about Chile's role in an international assassination
ring,
           code-named Condor, than Bush and the agency disclosed to FBI agents
           investigating a Condor terrorist bombing in Washington, D.C., in
1976.

           On June 30, the Clinton administration released several documents
about Operation
           Condor in response to demands from American researchers and
requests from
           Spanish judge Baltasar Garzon, who is seeking to extradite Chile's
former dictator,
           Gen. Augusto Pinochet, and put him on trial for crimes against
humanity.

           The new documents suggest that the CIA and its then-director,
George Bush,
           withheld information that could have helped the FBI in its
investigation of a terrorist
           car-bombing in Washington that killed Chilean dissident Orlando
Letelier and
           American co-worker Ronni Moffitt on Sept. 21, 1976.

           The records show U.S. intelligence was well aware that Pinochet's
government in
           Chile had organized seven South American military dictatorships
into Operation
           Condor, a cross-border assassination ring to hunt down leftists.
But instead of
           sharing that information with federal criminal investigators,
Bush's CIA withheld it --
           and even diverted suspicion away from Pinochet's junta.

           According to the new documents, the CIA was aware that the seven
Condor nations
           were plotting international assassinations in the weeks before the
Letelier-Moffitt
           car-bombing. The CIA issued a series of internal reports about
Condor activities and
           cited the possibility of "government planned and directed
assassinations within and
           outside the territory of Condor members."

           That knowledge prompted meetings between Condor-nation leaders and
U.S.
           ambassadors who advised that cross-border assassinations could
"exacerbate
           public world criticism."

           Bush's CIA was to make a "parallel approach" to Chile's
intelligence service, DINA,
           but the results were not disclosed. [For details on the new
documents, see Peter
           Kornbluh's "Chile Declassified" article in The Nation, Aug. 9/16,
1999.]

           The Clinton administration refused to release information about
what was said at
           those U.S.-Condor meetings on the grounds that the 23-year-old
Letelier-Moffitt
           murder case is still active.

           That decision likely means that the actions of the CIA and the
extent of Bush's
           personal involvement in Operation Condor will remain secret for
the foreseeable
           future.

           Bush's role on the periphery of this double homicide has been
known -- but not
           clarified -- for more than two decades.

           Prior to the Letelier-Moffitt bombing, the U.S. ambassador to
Paraguay alerted Bush
           that two DINA agents were seeking to penetrate the United States
with visas using
           false names.

           Supposedly, the agents were headed to CIA headquarters for
meetings.

           Bush referred the matter to his deputy, Gen. Vernon Walters, who
disavowed
           knowledge of any planned meetings. The visas were canceled, but
one of the DINA
           agents, Michael Townley, simply altered his plans and entered the
United States
           anyway.

           Working with anti-Castro Cubans, Townley then traveled to
Washington, planted a
           bomb under Letelier's car and exploded it as the car traveled down
Embassy Row,
           one of the most tightly guarded areas of Washington. The bomb
killed Letelier, a
           persistent critic of the Pinochet government, along with Moffitt
who was riding to work
           with him.

           That night, Sen. James Abourezk, a Letelier friend, found himself
sitting near Bush at
           a state dinner at the Jordanian Embassy. Distraught about the
murders, Abourezk
           asked the CIA director to commit the spy agency in the effort "to
find the bastards who
           killed" Letelier. Bush vowed to help and added, obliquely, "we are
not without assets
           in Chile."

           But Bush's CIA offered little assistance to the murder
investigation, despite the CIA's
           knowledge of the mysterious DINA mission and of Condor's
assassination plans.
           "Nothing the agency gave us helped us break this case," said
federal prosecutor
           Eugene Propper. The first evidence about Operation Condor came not
from the CIA
           but from FBI agents in South America.

           Rather than assist the probe, Bush's CIA appears to have gone to
some lengths to
           help DINA divert attention away from the real assassins. The CIA
leaked an analysis
           to Newsweek that "the Chilean secret police were not involved [in
the Letelier-Moffitt
           car-bombing]. The agency reached its decision because the bomb was
too crude to
           be the work of experts and because the murder, coming while
Chilean rulers were
           wooing U.S. support, could only damage the Santiago regime."
[Newsweek, Oct. 11,
           1976]

           Despite the CIA's analysis, federal prosecutors eventually
established that DINA had
           carried out the murders. After complex negotiations, Townley was
extradited to the
           United States and served a prison term for his role in the
killings.

           Despite suspicions that Pinochet masterminded the terrorist
attack, the U.S.
           government made no known effort to bring the dictator to justice.

           Last fall, when Pinochet went to England for back surgery,
however, Spanish judge
           Garzon persuaded British authorities to arrest the aging general.
Since then,
           Pinochet has battled requests for his extradition to Spain and has
enlisted the
           support of influential world leaders.

           One of the advocates for Pinochet's freedom has been George Bush,
the former CIA
           director and later president. In his letter to the British
government, Bush called the
           case against the former dictator "a travesty of justice" and urged
that Pinochet be sent
           home to Chile "as soon as possible."
-----
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