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This Just In ...

<http://www.gristmagazine.com/grist/heatbeat/thisjustin011101.stm>

by Leonie Haimson
11 Jan 2001

For my annual wrap-up, here are the five biggest climate stories of 2000 --
in rough order of their occurrence and their impact on the popular
imagination. (I'd like to acknowledge to readers from
other parts of the globe that this is just one person's opinion, with an
admittedly U.S. bias. Most
likely, if I lived in Iceland or Micronesia or even in England, I would
have other stories to recount.)

1.      The vanishing Arctic ice. In a front-page story in August, the New
York Times reported that scientists on board a ship cruising through Arctic
waters saw almost no floating ice, and that at the North Pole, "an ice-free
patch of ocean about a mile wide has opened at the very top of the world,
something that has presumably never before been seen by humans. . . . The
last time scientists can be certain the pole was awash in water was more
than 50 million years ago" (New York Times, John Noble Wilford, 19 Aug 2000).
Though this striking intro was retracted 10 days later (there's no way to
know how often the North Pole may have been ice-free in previous years),
the point of the article was substantially correct and penetrated the
popular imagination in a way that no climate story had since the torrid
summer of 1988 (New York Times, John Noble Wilford, 29 Aug 2000).
Several scientific studies had earlier noted the vanishing ice cover
phenomenon in a more systematic but less dramatic way. Late in 1999, data
collected by submarines revealed that ice cover over a large part of the
Arctic had thinned during warmer months by about 40 percent over the last
four decades (New York Times, William K. Stevens, 17 Nov 1999). And in
another report, in July, Norwegian scientists predicted that in 50 years,
summer Arctic ice could entirely disappear (New York Times, Walter Gibbs,
11 July 1999).
But to hear it predicted and to see it actually happen are two very
different things, at least to most people, and this story moved the
zeitgeist so much that it soon became a recurring topic on the David
Letterman show, leading Letterman himself to grill presidential candidates
Gore and Bush on global warming when they later appeared on his show.

2.      A near-doubling of the predicted increase in global temperatures.
This story, which broke in late October, should have been front-page news
everywhere but wasn't. The New York Times concentrated on the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change's increased certainty that the
warming occurring over the last century was "likely" caused by human
activities, in place of the panel's assessment five years ago that "the
balance of evidence" suggested influence by humans (New York Times, Andrew
C. Revkin, 26 Oct 1999). This is a subtle point, elusive to most people.
The bigger development was that the IPCC nearly doubled its predicted range
of increased global temperatures -- 2.7 to 10.8 degrees Fahrenheit, up from
the 1.8 to 6.3 degrees it had earlier predicted. If the upper end of this
prediction actually comes to pass, our planet will be transformed into
something nearly unrecognizable, it will be even warmer than when the
dinosaurs still roamed the Earth (for more on this story, see my November
column).

3.      Deadlock at The Hague. Though there was some talk after the climate
negotiations collapsed in late November of bringing the parties together
again before the New Year to resolve their differences, the gaps between
the U.S. and European positions proved too formidable to be bridged. (For
more on the failure of the talks, see last month's column). The failure of
the negotiations was especially disappointing, given the other two major
developments of 2000, which should have provided the impetus for
negotiators to reach an agreement.

4.      U.S. business leaders get religion. The year began with Ford and
Daimler-Benz ditching the Global Climate Coalition, the main industry lobby
group opposing the Kyoto Protocol and mandatory reductions of emissions.
Soon after, Texaco followed, becoming the first major U.S. oil company to
leave the sinking GCC. In a letter, Texaco explained that the company
"shares society's concern over the issue of climate change," and that
"protracted debate about the adequacy of the science is something Texaco
wishes to move beyond."
A growing number of large U.S. corporations committed themselves to
substantial reductions in their greenhouse gas emissions, at a rate equal
to or faster than that required of the U.S. economy as a whole under the
Kyoto Protocol. IBM, Johnson & Johnson, and DuPont led the way, later
joined by many others. At a poll released at The Hague, 34 percent of
Fortune 5000 executives said they supported the climate treaty's
ratification, with only 26 percent opposed.
In 2000, Honda and Toyota introduced hybrid cars to the marketplace, and
Ford announced it would soon follow. These cars reduce CO2 emissions by 40
percent. Ford also announced its intention to boost the average fuel
economy of its SUVs by 25 percent over the next five years. William Ford,
the chairman of the company since last year, proclaimed that climate change
was the most challenging issue facing the world and that anyone who
disagreed was "in denial" (Independent, Michael McCarthy, 06 Oct 2000).

5.      The Clinton-Gore era ends and the Bush reign begins. In many ways
it was a stunning eight years.  The high point, so far as climate change
goes, was the signing of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, a true pivotal moment
in human history, never before had such an ambitious environmental
agreement been struck. But despite the fact that both Clinton and Gore were
true believers, Clinton in particular gave many eloquent speeches about our
moral obligation to stem the tide of global warming, they were unsuccessful
in getting actual measures through Congress that would begin to require
real reductions, never mind ratify the treaty.
Perhaps the Bush administration will be more successful. Bush himself, if
he so chooses, will have more influence over the recalcitrant Republicans
in Congress than Clinton did. So far, the environmental signals from his
Cabinet nominees are mixed; some terrible, some showing promise. Perhaps
most intriguing is Paul O'Neill as treasury secretary, who as CEO of Alcoa
was one of the most forthright business leaders on the issue of global warming.
Since 1990, O'Neill has been one of the strongest advocates for a gasoline
tax, both for economic and environmental reasons. He even supported the
ill-fated Clinton-Gore carbon tax in 1992. Immediately, when news of Bush's
intention to appoint O'Neill leaked out, conservatives declared outrage.
Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform, said that O'Neill's
previous position on this issue "raises questions about whether he
understands economic growth. . . . He should say something like the North
Koreans were capturing his wife, and that's why he said something so
stupid" (Washington Post, 20 Dec 2000). Even when the Wall Street Journal
chimed in, harshly criticizing the appointment, Bush didn't budge.
Just before the Kyoto meeting, when Clinton was attempting to draw public
attention to global warming, O'Neill attended several White House meetings
on the issue (New York Times, 21 Dec 2000). In a roundtable discussion of
business executives in December 1997, O'Neill, though questioning the
certainty of the science, was unequivocal in his belief that governmental
action needs to be taken (Fortune,08 Dec 1997).
Some of his comments: "If people believe this is a serious issue, they
ought to put their nationalism behind them and think about how does
civilization exist with this problem we're creating. Then we'll sort out
who pays. Seems fairly obvious to me. People with money are going to have
to pay. . . . You're not going to be able to tell people in China, 'Pay
your fair share of this.' If we really care about this as a global problem,
we and the other developed nations are going to have to pay for it."
As for the possible flight of jobs to undeveloped countries if stricter
emission controls were placed on the developed world, he replied, "I,
frankly, don't care about what the national or company consequences
are.  It's not a good reason to avoid doing something because there may be
some job-relocation effects. This issue may be far more important than that."
In March 1998, after the Kyoto Protocol was signed, O'Neill gave a speech
to the Aluminum Association which argued that further action on climate
change should not be postponed, even though real emission reductions were
not mandated until the year 2008: "I believe a real danger to civilization
is that . . . we don't do anything for 10 years."
A treasury secretary who genuinely cares about this issue could be very
useful, even if named by a Republican president with strong ties to the oil
industry.  Neither Robert Rubin nor Lawrence Summers, the two treasury
secretaries under Clinton, were known for their interest in the
environment, in Summers's case, quite the reverse. Both were also thought
to have obstructed climate negotiations at critical junctures. Perhaps,
like Earl Warren's appointment as chief justice by President Eisenhower,
which led to a Supreme Court era of progressive activism, O'Neill's
ascendancy at treasury will, at just the right time, mark the beginning of
a period in which economics and environment are seen not as competing
goals, but as complementary necessities for society and the planet as a
whole. Stranger things have happened.

I'm continually impressed with the varied expertise and backgrounds of my
readers, so please remember to nominate other important climate stories of
2000 from around the globe and forward them to me at [EMAIL PROTECTED] I'll
include all interesting submissions in next month's column.
----
Leonie Haimson was the climate columnist for the former Liberty Tree
Alliance website. She co-authored The Way Things Really Are: Debunking Rush
Limbaugh on the Environment for the Environmental Defense Fund, and edited
Common Questions on Climate Change for the U.N. Environment Program.

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