-Caveat Lector-

 Re:  Clinton's PDD-60
      Monica Lewinsky was used to deflect attention
      from Clinton's death wish for America:

 from:  http://www.armscontrol.org/ACT/novdec97/pdd.htm

 Clinton Issues New Guidelines on
 U.S. Nuclear Weapons Doctrine

 Craig Cerniello

    THE CLINTON administration quietly made a significant change
    in U.S. strategic nuclear doctrine in November by formally
    abandoning guidelines issued by the Reagan administration in
    1981 that the United States must be prepared to fight and
    win a protracted nuclear war.  The new presidential decision
    directive (PDD), details of which were first reported in The
    Washington Post on December 7, operates from the premise
    that the primary role of nuclear weapons in the post-Cold
    War era is deterrence.  In a December 23 interview, Robert
    Bell, senior director for defense policy and arms control at
    the National Security Council, provided additional
    information about the PDD and clarified some misperceptions
    in the press with respect to the Clinton administration's
    policy on "launch on warning" and the use of nuclear weapons
    against a chemical or biological weapons attack.

 New Guidelines

    Due to its highly classified nature, many specific details
    about the PDD have not been made public.  Nevertheless, Bell
    confirmed that "We have made an important change in terms of
    strategic nuclear doctrine in reorienting our presidential
    guidance away from any sense that you could fight and win a
    protracted nuclear war to a strategic posture that focuses
    on deterrence."

    The administration made the decision to rewrite the old
    nuclear guidelines early in 1997.  At that time, General
    John Shalikashvili, then-chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
    Staff, explained to President Clinton that the United States
    could not reduce its nuclear arsenal to the level that was
    being discussed for START III (2,000 to 2,500 deployed
    strategic warheads) and carry out the objectives of the 1981
    nuclear guidelines.  Bell pointed out that this assumed that
    the goals of the old guidelines could ever have been
    realized -- a skepticism that has  been voiced by former
    Reagan administration officials.  Hence, one key factor
    influencing the administration's decision to rewrite the old
    guidelines was that they were not compatible with the U.S.
    objective of achieving further strategic force reductions
    with the Russians.

    Moreover, the administration viewed the 1981 guidelines as
    an anachronism of the Cold War.  The notion that the United
    States still had to be prepared to fight and win a
    protracted nuclear war today seemed out of touch with
    reality given the fact that it has been six years since the
    collapse of the Soviet Union.  In this connection, Bell said
    the 1981 directive "reads like a document you would expect
    to have been written at the height of the Cold War, not
    something that you would want operative today...."

 Launch on Warning

    Bell said the press had incorrectly indicated that the PDD
    "still allows" the United States to launch nuclear weapons
    upon receiving warning of an attack.  Bell emphasized that
    "there is no change in this PDD with respect to U.S. policy
    on launch on warning and that policy is that we do not, not
    rely on it."  In fact, Bell said "in this PDD we direct our
    military forces to continue to posture themselves in such a
    way as to not rely on launch on warning -- to be able to
    absorb a nuclear strike and still have enough force
    surviving to constitute credible deterrence."

    Bell pointed out that while the United States has always had
    the "technical capability" to implement a policy of launch
    on warning, it has chosen not to do so.  "Our policy is to
    confirm that we are under nuclear attack with actual
    detonations before retaliating," he said.

 Negative Security Assurances

    Bell also dispelled the published report that the PDD
    expands U.S. nuclear options against a chemical or
    biological weapons attack.  "This PDD reaffirms explicitly,
    virtually verbatim, the policy of this administration as we
    stated it the last four or five years, including during the
    extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty [NPT], the
    negotiation of the CTB [Comprehensive Test Ban] and the
    ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention," he said.

    Specifically, the PDD reaffirms the 1995 statement on
    negative security assurances issued by Secretary of State
    Warren Christopher on behalf of President Clinton at the
    time of the indefinite extension of the NPT.  This statement
    reiterated in a slightly more restrictive form the 1978
    statement on the non-use of nuclear weapons issued by
    Secretary of State Cyrus Vance on behalf of President
    Carter.

    In this context, Bell explained that it is U.S. policy not
    to use nuclear weapons first against any state except in
    three cases.  First, "if a state that we are engaged in
    conflict with is a nuclear-capable state, we do not
    necessarily intend to wait until that state uses nuclear
    weapons first -- we reserve the right to use nuclear weapons
    first in a conflict whether its CW [chemical weapons], BW
    [biological weapons] or for that matter conventional
    [weapons]," he said.  Under the second scenario, Bell said
    the United States reserves the right to use nuclear weapons
    first "if a state is not a state in good standing under the
    Non-Proliferation Treaty or an equivalent international
    convention."  Finally, he said if a state attacks the United
    States, its allies or its forces "in alliance" with a
    nuclear-capable state, then the United States reserves the
    right to use nuclear weapons first, even if that state is
    not a nuclear-capable state and is in good standing under
    the NPT.  Because these three exceptions have existed for
    some time, Bell said "there is no policy change whatsoever
    in this PDD with respect to fundamental U.S. position on no
    first use of nuclear weapons."







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