The Week Online with DRCNet, Issue #95 -- June 18, 1999
   A Publication of the Drug Reform Coordination Network

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                 URGENT LEGISLATIVE ALERTS:
Juvenile Justice Bill:    http://www.drcnet.org/juvjustice/
Asset Forfeiture Reform:  http://www.drcnet.org/forfeiture/
HEA Drug Provision:       http://www.RaiseYourVoice.com/

================

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1.  Reformers Slandered, Harassed and Threatened at House
    Subcommittee Hearings on "Legalization"
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#slanderandthreats

2.  Juvenile Justice Bill Expected to Pass with Worst
    Provisions Intact
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#juvjustice

3.  Swiss Vote Again to Continue Heroin Experiment
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#swissheroin

4.  Palliative or Repressive?  Conservative-Sponsored
    Legislation Impacts on Pain, Suicide and Drug Policy
    Debates
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#painbill

5.  Asset Forfeiture Reform Bill Moves to House Floor
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#forfeiturebill

6.  Geraldo Rivera Drug War Report This Weekend (6/20)
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#geraldoreport

7.  Newsbriefs
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#newsbriefs

8.  RESOURCES:  Kids and Drug Education, Drug Control
    Strategies, Medical Marijuana Report, Hemp Video
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#resources

9.  New Research Finds Marijuana Offenders Crowding Nation's
    Prisons and Jails
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#marijuanaprisoners

10. Canadian Senator Urges Drug Policy Review, Endorses
    Legalization of Marijuana, "Soft" Drugs
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#canadareview

11. Errata on Breyer Appointment
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#breyer

12. EDITORIAL:  U.S. House of Repression
    http://www.drcnet.org/wol/095.html#editorial

================

1. Reformers Slandered, Harassed and Threatened at House
   Subcommittee Hearings on "Legalization"

On Wednesday (6/16), the Committee on Government Reform's
Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human
Resources held a hearing titled: "The Pros and Cons of Drug
Legalization, Decriminalization and Harm Reduction."  True
to form, the "hearing" was less an informed inquiry into
possible alternatives to this nation's failed drug policy
than a dog and pony show in which defenders of current
policy accused reformers of seeking to increase youth access
to drugs and during which reformers were subjected to
harassment, ridicule and both implied and overt threats of
official reprisals for their views.

First to testify was the director of the Office of National
Drug Control Policy, Drug Czar Barry McCaffrey.  McCaffrey
sought to claim the moral high ground early by contrasting
"the legalizers" with the vast majority of Americans who are
"against drug abuse."  He followed this up with a laundry
list of the harms associated with such abuse.

But McCaffrey's willingness to mislead with regard to
reformers was not enough for several of the subcommittee
members.  They wanted action.

Representative John Mica (R-FL), the subcommittee chairman,
asked McCaffrey whether any part of the $195 million
Partnership for a Drug Free America ad campaign would be
used to oppose medical marijuana and other reform
initiatives.  McCaffrey answered that it would not.

Pre-eminent in the minds of the Republicans on the committee
was the involvement of major funders, particularly George
Soros, in the drug policy reform movement.  At one point,
Mica asked McCaffrey whether he had ever spoken to Soros
personally, noting, incredibly "I would be interested in
what his motivations are, and also the question of where his
money is coming from."

Mr. Soros, of course, is perhaps the world's best-known
currency speculator.  His non-profit entity, the Open
Society Institute, is dedicated to fostering the free flow
of information and the airing of debate.  Soros, whose
family fled both the Nazis and the Communists, has long been
an advocate of the theory that information is the enemy of
oppression.  To that end, he spent several years before the
fall of the Iron Curtain sending communications equipment
including copy and fax machines into Eastern Europe.

As if to justify Soros' long and generous fight for the
ideals of free and open debate, Bob Barr (R-GA) suggested to
McCaffrey that he urge the Justice Department to look into
the possibility of "prosecuting Soros under our racketeering
(RICO) statutes" for the crime of funding efforts and
initiatives "to circumvent our drug laws."  Even McCaffrey
appeared to be taken aback at Barr's suggestion, and
indicated that such action would undoubtedly have "a
chilling effect on free speech."  Barr, however, replied
that such an action "might have a chilling effect on the
legalization movement, and I would consider that a good
thing."

Mark Souder (R-IN), champion of the drug provision of the
Higher Education Act of 1998, took exception to the very
concept of a hearing on "the pros and cons of legalization."

"We don't hold hearings on the pros and cons of rape," he
said, "or the pros and cons of child abuse, or the pros and
cons of racism.  The advocates of legalization are
responsible for blood in my community, and they are as
responsible for this as rapists."

The next session featured a panel of two, Dr. Alan Leshner,
Director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, and Donnie
Marshall, Deputy Administrator of the Drug Enforcement
Administration.

The highlight of the second panel came when Marshall was
asked by Mr. Barr to "put yourself in the place of a state
prosecutor."  Barr then asked whether Marshall would be
upset at the prospect of someone coming into his state
advocating the legalization of drugs.  "Yes," he replied.
Barr then asked, given Marshall's experience as a law
enforcement officer, whether he saw any real difference
between someone advocating drug legalization and someone
advocating pedophilia.  Marshall, citing his 30 years of
experience in law enforcement, said that he saw no real
difference.

The final panel of the day included Robert McGinnis of the
Family Research Council, James McDonough, former aide to
McCaffrey and the current drug czar of Florida, Ira Glasser,
National Director of the ACLU, David Boaz, Executive Vice
President of the Cato Institute and Scott Ehlers, senior
policy analyst for the Drug Policy Foundation.

The Members were a bit more congenial when speaking directly
to the reform advocates, not once comparing any of them with
pedophiles, rapists, or child abusers.  Barr, in fact, noted
that he and the ACLU agreed on numerous issues, including
privacy rights and the need to reform asset forfeiture.
Much of the give and take revolved around the effects of
illicit drugs on health, with Glasser taking pains to point
out the difference between substance use and substance
abuse, regardless of a drug's legal status.

Glasser also brought up the topic of race, noting that it
was impossible to discuss the drug war honestly without
pointing out the destruction that it has caused in
communities of color.

"African Americans," said Glasser, "who comprise
approximately 13% of our population, and approximately 13%
of American drug users, account for 34% of all drug arrests,
55% of convictions, and 74% of those incarcerated for drug
offenses.  These issues have to be addressed."

Soros' name did resurface however, with Barr asking Ehlers
about Soros' contributions to the Drug Policy Foundation
(approximately $1.75 million this year, all of which went to
a grants program administrated by DPF, none of which went to
DPF's operations themselves).  Ehlers was then asked a
series of questions regarding other foundations to which Mr.
Soros might have contributed, to which Ehlers responded that
he was not a representative of Soros and did not have any
information on his other philanthropy, as well as questions
regarding DPF's lobbying activities.  Glasser, who also
serves as the President of DPF's board of directors, assured
Barr that he was quite familiar with the legal restrictions
on lobbying by non-profit organizations and that the Drug
Policy Foundation was operating well within its legal
rights.

Barr closed with an assurance that the subject of the Drug
Policy Foundation's finances would be further explored at
future hearings on the topic of "legalization."  Mica
promised to convene more hearings in the near future.

The following organizations have their testimony on the web:

Office of National Drug Control Policy
http://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/news/testimony/legalization.pdf

American Civil Liberties Union
http://www.aclu.org/congress/l061699a.html

CATO Institute
http://www.cato.org/testimony/ct-dbz061699.html

You can read the testimony of Scott Ehlers of the Drug
Policy Foundation at <http://www.drcnet.org/ehlers.html>.

================

2. Juvenile Justice Bill Expected to Pass with Worst
   Provisions Intact

As of last night (6/17), the provisions most feared by
criminal justice reformers were passed as amendments to the
House juvenile justice bill, H.R. 1501.  The new bill will
give federal prosecutors, rather than the judges, the
discretion to try children as adults, in some cases lowering
the age to as low as 13, and would allow children to be
placed in adult jails, even in the same jail cell with
adults.  The bill also imposes new mandatory minimum
sentences for children.

In a statement issued yesterday, Children's Defense Fund
president Marian Wright Edelman said, "With as much progress
as we made on keeping children separate from adults in the
Senate passed bill, it is simply incredible that the House
would choose to now turn the clock back 25 years to a time
when children routinely were housed with adults in adult
jails.  "Study after study has shown the dangers children
face in adult jails. Children are eight times more likely to
commit suicide, five times more likely to be sexually
assaulted, and twice as likely to be assaulted by staff in
adult jails than in juvenile facilities."

Edelman added, "Mandatory minimums are a mistake for
children.  For years, the juvenile justice system has been
geared toward rehabilitating youth, but mandatory minimum
sentences go in the opposite direction."

Assuming H.R. 1501 passes, which appears highly probable,
the House and Senate versions will go to a conference
committee, with the final version going back to the Senate
and the House for another vote.  Jenni Gainsborough, of the
Campaign for an Effective Crime Policy, told the Week
Online, "They want to get the whole thing done by July 4th,
so it's going to go to conference soon, probably within the
next couple of weeks."

Gainsborough was not optimistic about getting the worst
provisions stricken in committee.  "It was a fairly
substantial vote for the McCollum amendment.  A lot of the
Democrats voted for it, so I don't know how much of a push
there will be."

(The only chance is for voters like yourselves to take
action!  Please visit our lobbying site at
http://www.drcnet.org/juvjustice/ to send an e-mail or fax
to Congress, and write down your Representative and
Senators' phone numbers to follow up with a phone call!  Our
"tell-a-friend" form is temporarily broken, so please
forward Wednesday night's action alert by e-mail to spread
the word, or cut and paste from the text box on the site's
finish page.)

================

3. Swiss Vote Again to Continue Heroin Experiment

In a referendum held Sunday (6/13), Swiss citizens once
again voted to continue the country's heroin maintenance
program, which provides controlled doses of heroin to long-
term addicts in a clinical setting.  The referendum was
sponsored by groups such as "Children Against Drugs" and
"Swiss Doctors Against Drugs," which collected the 50,000
signatures needed to put the issue on the ballot.  Voters
approved the initiative by 54 percent.

Two years ago, a referendum to close down the heroin
program, along with the country's methadone maintenance
programs and safe injection rooms, was rejected by more than
70%.  That vote was held two months after the final review
of the heroin program's initial clinical trials were
completed.  The review found that among participants in the
program, joblessness, criminality, and hard drug use
(including cocaine) decreased dramatically, while their
health and housing situations improved.  Since then, the
program has been endorsed by the Swiss Federal Office of
Public Health.

For more information on heroin maintenance, check out
http://www.lindesmith.org/library/heroinmain_index2.html on
the Lindesmith Center web site.

================

4. Palliative or Repressive?  Conservative-Sponsored
   Legislation Impacts on Pain, Suicide and Drug Policy
   Debates

A bill introduced yesterday (6/17) by Oklahoma Senator Don
Nickles, Representatives Henry Hyde, Republican chairman of
the Judiciary Committee and Bart Stupak (D-MI), will reign
in the DEA's drug war against pain control -- or will expand
and worsen it -- pain treatment advocates aren't yet sure.

The "Pain Relief Promotion Act of 1999," according to
information provided by Nickles' office, is designed to:

 * Reaffirm doctors' ability to use controlled substances to
aggressively manage patients' pain and discomfort
(especially among terminally ill patients) and reject their
deliberate use to kill patients.

 * Provide doctors and health professional with the most
reliable, state-of-the-art practices on relieving pain.

 * Provide research grants and establish a program for
palliative care focusing on the treatment of pain and end-
of-life symptoms.

 * Educate local, state and federal law officers to better
accommodate the legitimate use of controlled substances for
pain relief.

 * Clarify existing law to retain a uniform standard over
controlled substances.  In those states which do not
legalize assisted suicide, the application of the Controlled
Substances Act is not changed.

Advocates of aggressive pain management are particularly
encouraged by language stating that "aggressive pain
management is a legitimate use of drugs regulated by the
Controlled Substances Act, even in cases where such use may
increase the risk of death," and by the focus on educating
physicians and law enforcement on appropriateness of
aggressive use of narcotics for cases of severe, chronic
pain.  Doctors are beset by an overly-restrictive regulatory
climate in which those who treat pain aggressively face
investigation by state medical boards and drug enforcers.
Patients requiring large doses of narcotics for adequate
pain relief face being regarded as addicts -- or undercover
drug agents -- and denied treatment by doctors who fear loss
of license or even criminal prosecution.  (See
http://www.drcnet.org/guide10-96/pain.html for examples, and
http://www.stopthedrugwar.org/pain.html for an overview of
this serious problem.)

Drug agents and doctors alike often neglect to account for
the fact that patients taking narcotics for pain often
require increasing doses over time, due to the effect of
tolerance, and that such increases are regarded by leading
pain specialists as appropriate, even necessary.  Karen
Davie, president of the National Hospice Organization, a
supporter of the bill, wrote to Sen. Nickles, "increased
educational efforts about the nature and practice of
palliative care are important components of your
initiative," and "it is unfortunate that we continue to see
individuals living and dying in unnecessary pain when the
clinical and medical resources exist but widespread
education is lacking."

The bill's sponsors, however, were focused on a different
issue than anti-drug diversion enforcement.  Nickles and
Hyde, in the wake of a 1997 Oregon state ballot initiative
legalizing physician assisted suicide, filed the "Lethal
Drug Abuse Prevention Act," authorizing the DEA to revoke or
suspend the federal prescription license of a physician who
"intentionally dispensed or distributed a controlled
substance with a purpose of causing or assisting in causing"
suicide.  A coalition of over 50 medical and patient groups
successfully opposed the bill, on the basis that further DEA
scrutiny and evaluation of medical decisions would even
further discourage physicians from being willing to treat
pain.  Supporting their position is a study which found that
undertreatment of pain worsened amongst the terminally ill
in Oregon in late 1997, following a DEA threat to revoke
licenses of Oregon doctors who use controlled substances to
hasten death (http://www.drcnet.org/wol/063.html#deapain), a
threat that was quickly disavowed by US Attorney General
Janet Reno.  The new act seeks again to restrict physician-
assisted suicide, but in a way that gains the support,
rather than the opposition, of the medical and patient
communities.

Though the sponsors' fact sheet states that a goal of the
Pain Relief Promotion Act is "to ensure that current [law
enforcement] surveillance is not having an adverse effect on
legitimate use of these drugs in palliative care,"
supporters of the Act are reluctant to state definitively
that such adverse effects have presented a problem in the
past.  Jon Keyserling, director of public policy at the
National Hospice Organization, told the Week Online, "I'm
not aware of specific investigations that have been
undertaken, but I'm sure that law enforcement officials
would like to be armed with knowledge of good pain
management techniques, so that their resources are best
utilized in going after legitimate issues, rather than not
being aware of what are state-of-the-art pain management
techniques."

It is also possible that the sponsors themselves are unaware
of the drug war/pain undertreatment nexus.  Brooke Simmons,
a spokesman for Sen. Nickles, told the Week Online that the
dynamic of diversion of controlled substances to the black
market or prescriptions to non-medical users were "not a
focus in crafting this legislation."  When asked whether
there is currently a problem of drug enforcers sometimes
seeing diversion where it isn't, and this having an
inhibiting effect on physicians' willingness to treat pain,
Simmons answered, "I would have to take your word on that,
because this bill doesn't specifically address that issue,
other than making certain that law enforcement officials
understand the proper uses of controlled substances.  But to
the extent that such a problem may sometimes exist, I would
guess that the education efforts this bill would make
possible would also sensitive the law enforcement community
to that issue.  It might be an unintended benefit for all
parties involved.  However, to the best of my knowledge,
that was not the driving force behind the legislation."

Skip Baker, president of the American Society for Action on
Pain, has more certainty regarding the nature of the
problem:  "If law enforcement would have stayed out of the
practice of medicine in the first place, they wouldn't have
had to have written this bill, because actually, the
Controlled Substances Act provides for patients at it is.
And yet, because the DEA went overboard and went out of
bounds, out of their own jurisdiction, and began to harass
doctors and shut doctors down who were just treating pain,
it created this absolute crisis that brought about the need
for this bill.  So, it's kind of tragic that they've had to
write this bill up to control the police, because that's
basically what it's going to do.  This is a bill to control
out of control drug cops, that's basically what it amounts
to, so it's quite amazing.  It's just like, they came up
with this bill to deal with the forfeiture law, and to reign
in the cops from being so overbearing with that law."

Still, Baker is excited at the prospects the bill may offer
for change:  "These two politicians have really woken up,
it's incredible.  It may be a new day for pain patients."

Other advocates are less optimistic.  Josh Kardon, chief of
staff for Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR), told the Associated Press
that the bill would "train and deputize a doctors' police,"
and that Wyden would filibuster any attempt to overturn
Oregon's law.  Wyden opposed the assisted suicide
initiative, but has defended his state's right to pass it.
Wyden is also an advocate of better pain control, and filed
S. 941, the Conquering Pain Act of 1999, last May.

Nickles told the Associated Press that his bill isn't unfair
to Oregonians, adding that if a state were to pass a law
legalizing heroin, federal law would still make the
substance illegal in all states.  "You need consistency, you
need uniformity."  Nickles didn't discuss possible
inconsistencies between Republicans' call for state control
on other policy issues (where Republicans don't like current
federal policy), vs. strict federal control on drug policy
(where they do).

DRCNet will offer further coverage and analysis of this
complex bill and issue in future issues of The Week Online.
The Nickles/Hyde/Stupak bill did not yet have a number as of
press time; check http://thomas.loc.gov for legislative
updates.  Please note that DRCNet is devoted to drug policy
reform, and takes no position on physician assisted suicide.
Visit the American Society for Action on Pain online at
<http://www.actiononpain.org>.  Visit the National Hospice
Organization at <http://www.nho.org>.

================

5. Asset Forfeiture Reform Bill Moves to House Floor

(press release from the Drug Policy Foundation,
 http://www.dpf.org)

WASHINGTON, June 15 -- The Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act
of 1999, a bill sponsored by Rep. Henry Hyde (R-IL) and 57
cosponsors, passed the House Judiciary Committee by a 27-3
vote this morning.

"With the passage of the Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act,
the House Judiciary Committee has taken an important first
step to restoring Americans' property rights," said DPF
Senior Policy Analyst Scott Ehlers.  "If this legislation is
passed into law, Americans will be better protected from one
of the worst abuses of police power."

The bill's smooth, bipartisan passage out of committee
should bode well for it on the floor of the House.  Because
H.R. 1658 has such a broad array of cosponsors, from
conservatives such as J.D. Hayworth (R-AZ), to liberals such
as Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX), it stands a very good chance
of passing the House.

One reason H.R. 1658 has attracted so much support is that
conservatives and liberals have noted that police use civil
asset forfeiture disproportionately against minorities.  A
1991 Pulitzer Prize-winning piece in the Pittsburgh Press
found that a grossly disproportionate number of forfeitures
were carried out against minorities.  Subsequent
investigations into forfeitures in other states, such as
Florida, have found the same results.

"I consider this literally a civil rights bill of great
magnitude," Rep. John Conyers (D-MI) said during the
committee's meeting.

Under the guise of fighting the war on drugs, law
enforcement officers can seize your home, car, or money
without ever charging you with a crime.  Known as civil
asset forfeiture (CAF), it is one of the most abused police
powers in America today.

Civil asset forfeiture is based on the legal fiction that
the property that facilitates or is connected with a crime
is itself guilty and can be seized and tried in civil court
(e.g., United States v. One 1974 Cadillac Eldorado Sedan).
Under CAF law, the government can take a person's property
on the basis of "probable cause," which is the same minimal
standard required for police to obtain a search warrant.  In
order to get the property returned, an owner must prove by a
"preponderance of the evidence" -- a higher standard of
proof -- that his/her property was not used to facilitate a
crime.

Whereas under criminal law the defendant is innocent until
proved guilty, in CAF proceedings the property is presumed
guilty by the police, and the owner has to prove otherwise
to get it back.  CAF funds can turn into unregulated police
slush funds.  When police departments are allowed to keep
what they take, CAF funds exist beyond the purview of
legislative or budgetary oversight so it's fairly common for
police to misuse CAF funds.

(Please support H.R. 1658 through our online petition to
Congress, at http://www.drcnet.org/forfeiture/ -- then
follow up your e-mail or fax with a phone call!)

================

6. Geraldo Rivera Drug War Report This Weekend (6/20)

An NBC News report with Geraldo Rivera, "Drug Bust, the
Longest War," will air this Sunday, June 20, 8:00-9:00pm
EST.  Among the authorities consulted for the report was
Eric Sterling, president of the Criminal Justice Policy
Foundation, a member of DRCNet's advisory board.  Readers
who saw the PBS special "Snitch" may remember Eric's
devastating account of the political frenzy in which
mandatory minimum drug sentences were enacted 13 years ago.
Rivera examines the drug war in Mexico, at our border, in
our nation's prisons, and on the treatment front.  The
following is NBC's press release:

DRUG BUST, THE LONGEST WAR' ON SUNDAY, JUNE 20

Rivera's Hour-Long Special Examines America's War on Drugs

NEW YORK, NY, June 16, 1999 -- A war is being waged at this
very moment in the United States -- a war the White House
declared 31 years ago.  The "War on Drugs" has cost hundreds
of billions, yet 4 million Americans are addicted today;
hundreds of thousands are in prison and many drugs are
cheaper and more accessible than ever.  On Sunday, June 20
(8-9:00 p.m., ET), NBC News presents "Drug Bust, The Longest
War," an hour-long special reported by Geraldo Rivera, that
explores the war on drugs.

In numbers and through the lives of those addicted, the
special examines how we're fighting the war and asks the
question: have we in fact already lost the war -- and is
this a national policy heading nowhere?  "Drug Bust"
investigates why drugs continue to flow into the US at an
alarming rate, our government's precarious partnership with
Mexico and why addicts seeking treatment often end up
incarcerated.

Border War

NBC News examines the United States' interdiction policy
playing out at the world's busiest border crossing, San
Ysidro, CA, where smugglers try to outwit Customs inspectors
on a daily basis.  Rivera interviews players on both sides
of the United States' $57 billion drug habit: a seasoned
senior Customs inspector known for finding drugs and a
veteran smuggler who made a fortune almost beating the
system.  The special also visits the Domestic Air
Interdiction Coordination Center at March Air Force Base in
Riverside, CA where the Government's most sophisticated air
radar system ever built tracks every plane entering the US
while smugglers relentlessly poke holes in the operation.
Yet, after all the effort, the US government only stops 5-
10% of the drugs coming across its borders, the same
percentage they've been getting for years.

Mexico... Business as Usual?

The special's in-depth investigation into the US alliance
with Mexico reveals a partner in the war on drugs has now
become the primary source for the drugs entering America --
a staging ground for smugglers.  With 70% of the drugs sold
in the US produced in or shipped through Mexico and all too
many in the Mexican government on the payrolls of the
cartels, Mexican anti-drug efforts last year were mostly a
disaster, according to many US Senators.  Rivera also speaks
with Jesus Blancornelas, a fearless Mexican journalist upon
whom an assassination attempt was made for exposing the
corruption all around him.

The Treatment Gap

"Drug Bust" examines why those addicts who really do want to
get help have an easier time getting drugs than treatment.
A drug budget of close to $18 billion last year provided
only 3 billion, 17%, for treatment.  Rivera speaks with
addicts in San Diego struggling to get treatment only to
discover there simply aren't enough beds.  He speaks with
top treatment professional Jeanne McAlister, the founder of
the McAlister Institute, a Southern California treatment
clinic, who explains the outcome when addicts don't get
help, "Death or incarceration, and that's it.  Those are the
alternatives."  In the special, Drug Czar General Barry
McCaffrey acknowledges that America has a 50% treatment gap.

"Drug Bust" also explores the human toll on the American
side of the border as the supply and demand for drugs
continue to rise.  In San Diego, Rivera speaks with a group
of middle class, well-educated heroin addicts who defy the
stereotype of a heroin user.  With the cost of dope going
down, many middle class users are entering the ranks of
America's four million hard-core users.  Senator Diane
Feinstein (D), a member of the Senate caucus on
international narcotics control has seen the price of drugs
in California drop dramatically, "In my state you see the
cocaine -- street price of cocaine -- is at a five year
low."

The Prisoners of the Drug War

Each year, more than a million and a half people are
arrested on drug violations, sending addicts and many casual
users flowing into America's jails and prisons and creating
a boom in prison construction.  Rivera visits Riker's Island
jail in New York City to meet the men behind bars for drug
offenses.  Although treatment is offered at Riker's Island
jail, the special finds that treatment is not available to
the overwhelming majority of prisoners in the US  At Bedford
Prison in New York state, Rivera visits with inmates who
have extraordinarily long sentences for apparent minor
offenses -- under New York's mandatory minimum Rockefeller
drug laws.  California Congresswoman Maxine Waters tells NBC
News she is particularly concerned about the apparent racial
imbalance in sentencing, "Black and browns are being
incarcerated at a rate that's literally destroying our
communities."

The special looks at a major American story that has been
out of the headlines and off the radar for years -- the drug
war; but it's a story that has never gone away and continues
to cost us billions of dollars every year in incarceration,
addiction and human misery.

James Stolz is the executive producer of the special.
Michael Singer is the senior producer.  Ginny Somma is the
producer.  Daniel S. Goldfarb is the senior coordinating
producer.  Annie Ballard is the editor.  Sam Camporeale
contributed to additional editing.

A complete list of resources and more information on NBC's
"Drug Bust: The Longest War" will be available online at
<http://www.msnbc.com>.

================

7. Newsbriefs
 - Jane Tseng, [EMAIL PROTECTED]

AUSTRALIA:  Prime Minister's Drug Guide "Propaganda," ACT
Health Minister Charges

ACT Health Minister Michael Moore says the Prime Minister's
new "Tough on Drugs" leaflet is "a piece of propaganda" and
has urged him to withdraw it, The Canberra Times reported.
The leaflet was distributed in a meeting of police and
health officials last week.  Moore charged that the leaflet
contained several inaccuracies and departed from the
national drug strategy by failing to mention harm
minimization, which is a significant part of Australia's
drug policy.  In addition, Moore said the Prime Minister had
misinterpreted a study on the Swiss Heroin Trial in a way
that would back his opposition to one occurring in
Australia.

KENTUCKY:  Hemp Beer Brewer Sues Ad Agency

Kentucky Hemp Beer, a subsidiary of Lexington Brewing
Company, has filed a lawsuit against Ketchum Advertising for
producing advertisements that associate the beer, which is
brewed with hemp seeds, with marijuana.  Phrases such as
"undetectable to police dogs" appeared on the ads, which
appeared last summer in advertising trade magazines.
Kentucky Hemp Beer claims that it never gave permission to
Ketchum Advertising to make or distribute the ads.  The
agency's creative director, Lee St. James, said he created
the ads in hopes of gaining Kentucky Hemp Beer as a client.
St. James reportedly printed 1,500 posters featuring the
ads, but only distributed a few.

"If you can't do fun ads for a product made out of marijuana
seeds, what can you do?," St. James told the Wall Street
Journal last year.

But industrial hemp activists, many of whom hate to see
marijuana confused with hemp, disagreed.  "Nobody that I
know in the agricultural end of the hemp industry wants
anything to do with the legalization of marijuana," Joe
Hickey, executive director of the Kentucky Hemp Growers
Cooperative Association, told the Lexington Herald-Leader
last week.

The beer company is seeking $2 million for lost sales and
punitive damages.

CALIFORNIA:  Prosecutor Charged with Drug Trafficking

Orange County, California deputy prosecutor Bryan Ray
Kazarian was charged in federal court on Monday with serving
in and providing confidential information to a drug-
trafficking ring.  Other members of the ring included in the
charges were top members of the Hell's Angels motorcycle
gang in Orange County.  The ring allegedly shipped materials
to Orange County to be used to make methamphetamine.
Kazarian was not released on bail and if convicted, could
serve up to 20 years in prison.

================

8. RESOURCES:  Kids and Drug Education, Drug Control
   Strategies, Medical Marijuana Report, Hemp Video

Drug Education

Last week, our article, "Teens Say Drug War a Failure"
(http://www.drcnet.org/wol/094.html#teensurvey) discussed
the findings of the Uhlich Report Card survey, in which
teens rated adults' anti-drug efforts with the lowly grade
of D+.  The Uhlich Report Card echoes the findings of a
major California study four years ago, led by Joel Brown,
then of the Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation,
the largest survey ever conducted of kids' opinions about
drug education.

Brown and colleagues have formed a new think tank, the
Center for Educational Research and Development (CERD),
where they continue to perform objective research on drug
education and other important issues affecting young people.
Read the full text of the California study and other
research in CERD's extensive online library at
<http://www.cerd.org>.  We will be presenting further
discussion of Brown's and CERD's work in an upcoming issue
of the Week Online.

Drug Control Strategy

Common Sense for Drug Policy has prepared a four-page
version of its Effective National Drug Control Strategy
(ENDCS), available online in printable Adobe Acrobat format.
Check it out at <http://www.csdp.org/ads/pullout.pdf>.  Read
the strategy in whole at <http://www.csdp.org/edcs/>.

IOM Medical Marijuana Report Available in Full

The 288 page 1999 Institute of Medicine/National Academy of
Sciences report, "Marijuana and Medicine: Assessing the
Science Base" by Janet E. Joy, Stanley J. Watson, Jr., and
John A. Benson, Jr., Editors; is can be viewed and purchased
online at <http://www.nap.edu/catalog/6376.html>.

"Emperor of Hemp" Film Released

A documentary about the life and work of Jack Herer made its
debut this week.  "The Emperor of Hemp" traces the history
of Herer's transformation from Goldwater Republican through
his writing of "The Emperor Wears No Clothes," probably the
all-time bestselling book about marijuana.

The 59-minute documentary produced by Double J Films was
funded by Body Shop International founder Anita Roddick.
The script was written by former LA Times staff writer Jeff
Meyers and directed by Jeff Jones.  Bonnie Raitt, Kris
Kristerofferson, Joe Walsh and Cheap Trick provided songs
for the Soundtrack.

The film can be reviewed or purchased online at
<http://www.emperorofhemp.com>.

================

9. New Research Finds Marijuana Offenders Crowding Nation's
   Prisons and Jails

WASHINGTON, DC -- Nearly 60,000 marijuana offenders are
incarcerated in the United States at any given time,
according to a study published in the Federation of American
Scientists' "Drug Policy Analysis Bulletin."  More than a
quarter of marijuana offenders are incarcerated for personal
possession, with no other drugs involved in the offense.

The total cost to taxpayers of marijuana-related
incarceration exceeds $1.2 billion per year, according to
the study.  "The latest figures cast serious doubt on the
argument that marijuana incarceration costs are low enough
to be ignored," the study concluded.

The study, "Marijuana Arrests and Incarceration in the
United States," was undertaken for the FAS journal by Chuck
Thomas, Director of Communications at the Marijuana Policy
Project.  Based on raw data recently obtained from the
federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, the estimated number
of incarcerated marijuana offenders is probably the most
precise figure ever calculated.

The study also found that there were more than 700,000
marijuana arrests in the United States in 1997, according to
the most recent data available from the FBI, 87% for
personal possession of marijuana, rather than sale or
manufacture.

According to the new study:

 * At any one time, 59,300 prisoners charged with or
convicted of violating marijuana laws are behind bars.
(Because many serve less than a year, the total number who
pass through the prison system each year, while difficult to
estimate, is even greater.)

 * Of the people incarcerated in federal and state prisons
and in local jails, 37,500 were charged with marijuana
offenses only, and an additional 21,800 were charged with
both marijuana offenses and other controlled substances
offenses.

 * Of the marijuana-only offenders, 15,400 are incarcerated
for possession, not trafficking.

"Drug Czar Barry McCaffrey and other drug warriors argue
that people do not really get arrested or incarcerated for
minor marijuana offenses," said Thomas.  "This study proves
them wrong.  The drug war is very much about sending small-
time, non-violent marijuana offenders to jail."

================

10. Canadian Senator Urges Drug Policy Review, Endorses
    Legalization of Marijuana, "Soft" Drugs

(reprinted from the NORML Foundation, http://www.norml.org)

June 17, 1999, Ottawa, Ontario:  Senator Pierre Claude Nolin
(Progressive Conservative Party-De Salaberry) introduced
legislation this week to establish a nonpartisan committee
to review and lessen Canada's drug policies.

"In the future, we should have a much more lenient policy
toward users of all drugs," Nolin said, calling illicit drug
use a public health issue, not a criminal one.  "My personal
opinion is that we should legalize the use of soft drugs."

Nolin chastised the Canadian government for refusing to
implement the recommendations of previously appointed
commissions that advised decriminalizing marijuana.  He said
that the Le Dain Commission endorsed removing criminal
marijuana penalties thirty years ago, and stressed that
their findings remain valid today.  Nolin also highlighted a
shelved 1979 Health Canada report recommending the federal
government decriminalize marijuana.

"The problems arising out of the criminalization of drug
users, out of its economic and social costs and out of the
non-decreasing supply have still not been dealt with," he
said.  "The Canadian government [should] justify departing
from the prohibition policy by stating that criminalization
goes against the fundamental principle of moderation in our
criminal justice system."

Nolin's resolution mandates the appointment of a "Special
Senate Committee" to "reassess Canada's anti-drug
legislation and policies."  This review would include a
"study of harm reduction models adopted by other countries,"
and explore alternatives to marijuana prohibition, including
decriminalization.

Recently, Member of Parliament Keith Martin (Reform Party-
Esquimalt) introduced legislation in the House of Commons to
decriminalize the possession of small amounts of marijuana.
The bill, C-503, mimics a position adopted by the Canadian
Association of Police Chiefs recommending marijuana
offenders be fined, but no longer arrested.  The Royal
Canadian Mounted Polices also recently announced their
support for decriminalization.

A transcript of Senator Nolin's remarks is available online
at
<http://www.parl.gc.ca/36/1/parlbus/chambus/senate/deb-e/149DB_1999-06-14-e.
htm#0.2.X57BJ2.B4DNHL.LNADDF.L1>.

Visit the Canadian Foundation on Drug Policy at
<http://www.cfdp.ca/>.  A transcript of Eugene Oscapella
appearing on Canadian Broadcasting can be found at
<http://www.radio.cbc.ca/insite/AS_IT_HAPPENS_TORONTO/1999/6/15.html>.

================

11. Errata on Breyer Appointment

An article in last week's issue, "Waters Bill Would End
Federal Mandatory Minimum Drug Sentencing"
(http://www.drcnet.org/wol/094.html#watersbill), reprinted
from the Drug Policy Foundation, incorrectly referred to
Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer as a Republican
appointee.  Breyer is in fact a Clinton appointee.  DRCNet
and DPF regret the error.

================

12. EDITORIAL:  U.S. House of Repression

Adam J. Smith, Associate Director, [EMAIL PROTECTED]

You will not read about it in the New York Times.  You will
not see the footage on your nightly news.  In fact, even C-
Span did not dispatch a video camera to preserve the event.
But this week, in the Rayburn Office Building of the House
of Representatives, in hearing room 2154, several members of
the United States Congress took part in a display of slander
and intimidation worthy of a totalitarian regime.

The occasion was a hearing, held by the Congressional
Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human
Resources titled: "The Pros and Cons of Drug Legalization,
Decriminalization and Harm Reduction."

No one was under any illusion going in that the hearing,
called by subcommittee chair John Mica (R-FL), was being
held for the purpose of establishing a reasoned dialogue
between people of differing philosophies.  On a subcommittee
that includes such avowed drug war hawks as Ben Gilman (R-
NY), Mark Souder (R-IN), Bob Barr (R-GA), Asa Hutchinson (R-
AR) and Mica himself, contention was virtually guaranteed.
Expectations were so low, in fact, that for the balance of
the day, ranking Democrat Patsy Mink was the only "moderate"
in attendance.

What happened, however, went well beyond contention.

During the course of the one-day hearing, members of
Congress compared advocates of drug policy reform to
rapists, child abusers, and racists.  Advocacy of reform
itself was compared to the advocacy of pedophilia, again by
a member of the House, seconded by a witness, the deputy
administrator of the DEA.

As for those who fund the efforts of such advocates, mere
slander was apparently insufficient.

Throughout the hearing, those funders were repeatedly
threatened with retribution for their views, both implicitly
and explicitly.  Mr. Mica asked one high-ranking government
witness whether he had ever looked into the question of
where George Soros, perhaps the world's most well-known
currency speculator and philanthropist, gets his money.  Mr.
Barr went so far as to suggest that the Justice Department
prosecute Mr. Soros under the racketeering statutes for his
support of reform.  The Drug Policy Foundation, the nation's
largest drug policy reform organization, was smarmily
threatened with a "detailed look" into its finances.

Though it scarcely matters, as the right of free speech
requires neither numbers nor credentials, it is worth noting
that the cause of drug policy reform in America is advocated
-- at some risk from their own government, it turns out --
by such perverse and unsavory characters as Walter Cronkite,
former Secretary of State George Schultz, editor William F.
Buckley, Baltimore Mayor Kurt Schmoke, Nobel prize-winner
Milton Friedman, Dr. Benjamin Spock, journalist Hugh Downs,
former Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders, and millions of
others from across the social and political spectrum.  It is
one thing to disagree with their assessment of our nation's
policies.  It is quite another to compare them to rapists
and pedophiles, or to threaten those who lend support to
their cause with criminal prosecution.

This week, several members of the United States House of
Representatives came face to face with the First Amendment
and, unable to discern its purpose, promptly shat upon it.
What impact, pray tell, will this have on the willingness of
Americans to speak out for their beliefs?  What message did
these elected officials send by their actions?  These
members of Congress, their salaries paid in tax dollars,
laid waste this week to the bedrock principle of our
republic.  In doing so, they have ceded their moral
authority to lead.  It would be consistent with every
teaching of our founding fathers were they to be removed
from office.  By ballot if necessary.

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