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               A P A R T H E I D      P E A C E

MID-EAST REALITIES - www.MiddleEast.Org - Washington - 11/30:
   It's taken a long time in the USA for someone in the journalistic establishment
to utter the word "Apartheid" in connection with Israel and the "Peace Process".
 What has been somewhat openly discussed in the Middle East, in Europe, and in
academic circles for many years now remains a taboo subject for the major American
media -- the big newspapers, television networks, and CNN.  And now, when the
word is finally uttered and the comparison with the South Africa of old is finally
made, it is done by a very retired journalist, as an "Opinion" piece, and in
a small not very well-read publication, the Christian Science Monitor.
   This article by Richard C. Hottelet is very inadequate, very incomplete, very
slanted toward the false notion that the U.S. has tried to play a positive role
over the years but just hasn't managed to convince the Israelis.  The terribly
needed criticism of U.S. policies; of the power of the Israeli/Jewish lobby in
Washington; of the complex connections between the U.S., Israel, and the Arab
"client regimes" that perpetuates the entire region's bondage...this is all overlooked.
 But even so, it's a small start in opening up public discussion of a very serious
subject that could have much effect on the future of the region and the entire
world.
   For Israel is not "heading toward Apartheid", it is implementing a new Jewish-Arab
variant of apartheid and doing so in conspiracy with the U.S., with the connivance
of Europe, with the acquiescence of the U.N., and in the guise of a miserably
deceptive "peace process".




                 HEADING TOWARD APARTHEID IN ISRAEL

                     By Richard C. Hottelet*

WILTON, CONN - Israel's role in the West Bank and Gaza was not meant to be that
of the oppressor. Yet today it is driving into apartheid.

When Israel succeeded in overrunning this territory in the Six-Day War of 1967,
it may have been as surprised as everyone else. In the following months, Israel's
Labor government was prepared to trade it all, except East Jerusalem, for a genuine
peace with its Arab neighbors. But the Arab answer came from a conference in
Khartoum, Sudan: No negotiation, no treaty, no peace with Israel.

Having the Palestinian land and its people, the Israelis created a stable scene
on the old pattern of colonial
mercantilism. Here was cheap labor and a growing market for Israeli goods. Of
course, competition with Israeli products was not permitted. The West Bank and
Gaza had valuable raw materials - and water. And they were easily kept in order
by military government. Gradually, the long-inert Palestinian people developed
a sense of nationhood. Peremptory security regulations were increasingly resented.
Israel closed off large areas for military use. Housing permits for a growing
population were arbitrarily denied, and new dwellings were bulldozed for having
no permit. Collective punishment expanded. Homes of families with a member accused
of active opposition were destroyed.

At the same time, the Labor government permitted and then promoted Jewish settlement.
Later, Likud governments subsidized it lavishly. Today, reportedly, up to 360,000
settlers live in the territories, most of them commuters in new towns just beyond
the 1967 line. They also include the deeply religious and the secular nationalists
who claim the territories as part of the land of Israel. Nearly 200 such settlements
are located strategically throughout the West Bank. Each has automatic weapons
and an Army guard post.  Even poverty-stricken Gaza, with 45 percent unemployment,
has Israeli settlements covering a seventh of its area, lovely beachfront homes
almost alongside squalid Palestinian refugee camps. Peace Now, the Jewish peace
organization, says the second quarter of this year showed a 51 percent increase
in building starts.

The settlers not only get constant direct military protection, but also a 1,500-mile
network of roads - connecting them and bypassing Palestinian villages - which
is patrolled by the Army. The military has drawn
a crisscross pattern which cuts the West Bank into small parcels, allowing it,
when it deems necessary, to cordon off Palestinian communities. All movement
is stopped, bringing the already feeble economy to a complete halt. After former
Prime Minister Shimon Peres visited Yasser Arafat to urge a ceasefire, he told
reporters that he was "appalled" by the unemployment on the West Bank, now put
at 32 percent.  The population is mostly young. Hanging around without hope,
resentful that the Oslo agreements have not brought them the promised improvements,
and angry at Mr. Arafat's incompetent and corrupt government, they are open to
extremists who preach violence. Their example is the Hizbullah in Lebanon, who
fought the Israeli Army into withdrawal.

There is no reason to think this would happen on the West Bank. Mr. Peres told
Arafat of decisions taken in the Israeli Cabinet the day before which, he said,
made him shudder. This may have referred to the helicopter gunships, naval vessels,
tanks, and snipers that have marked the escalation. The UN Security Council has
condemned "acts of violence, especially the excessive use of force against the
Palestinians." The justification for it all is security, a cry of wolf, which
most Israelis, given the present violence, seem to accept, although many protest
that security lies in peaceful relations between neighbors. Not since the Roman
legions has there been a paramount power in the region such as Israel is today.
It is in no danger of being wiped off any map.

The real danger of continued upheaval and death lies in the Israeli settlement
program. Successive US administrations have called it an obstacle to peace. In
September 1982, Ronald Reagan made the most far-reaching statement of American
policy yet. He called for a freeze on settlements, saying they were in no way
necessary for Israel's security, but rather diminished confidence. President
Reagan added that the United States would not support their retention as 
extraterritorial
outposts. He called on the Arab countries to make peace and suggested full 
self-government
for the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza under Jordanian supervision. Israel's
response was angry rejection. Only Jordan's King Hussein showed interest.  The
other Arab leaders remained silent, whereupon the whole thing died.

In 1991, Secretary of State James Baker, trying to start the peace process after
the Gulf War, asked Israel to stop the settlements. In 1997, Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright appealed for a "time out on settlements." The reason is clear,
leave aside the corrosive effect on Israel's own 1 million Arabs. The maintenance
and expansion of strong points under Israeli sovereignty leads straight to an
apartheid conflict - and there is no Nelson Mandela to end it.

Friends, it is said, don't let friends drive drunk. The Israeli-Palestinian 
negotiations
are finished.  The US and others must quickly create a new forum to stop the
killing and restart peace talks on a new basis.

Christian Science Monitor - November 28, 2000
* Richard C. Hottelet, a longtime foreign correspondent for CBS, writes on world
affairs.






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