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LEFT MARGIN - The World Won't End When We Leave Baghdad

The World Won't End When We Leave Baghdad

By Carl Bloice - submitted to portside

Spend a couple of hours as I did one day last week
meandering through the 'Byzantium - Faith and Power'
exhibit at New York's Metropolitan Museum and you will
come away overwhelmed. A lot of religious iconography
on display, much of it delicate and dazzling examples
of the art of a place and a period circa 1261-1557.
While reading the inscriptions and background notes, I
was struck by the grand sweep of the history of the
region around the Eastern Mediterranean. It is as if
the drama now being tragically played out in what was
once Mesopotamia has occurred many times before and
keeps repeating itself. The Byzantium itself, the
Crusades, the arrival of the Ottoman Turks, all co-
mingled and left an imprint on the region. The
invasions, the occupations, the repression and the
upheavals, were carried out under the banner of high
ideals and lofty missions.  Yet their driving forces
were always less than inspiring and their conduct
involved great cruelty and suffering.

The central fallacy that brought about the current war
in Iraq and has kept it going is that it is our mission
there is to deliver 'democracy' to the Iraqi people, as
a preclude to bestowing it on all the other countries
thereabout. If the neo-conservatives have been
successful at nothing else, selling this lie has been
an achievement. There's been a near consensus on this
score. Those on the Right have argued that it is a
worthwhile, even holy mission, while on the Left,
commentators (or a good portion of them, anyway) have
asserted that it is a mission impossible ('democracy
cannot be imposed from outside'). Yet this war has
never been about democracy. One has only to look toward
formerly Soviet Central Asia where we are encouraging,
rewarding and arming despots to see how hollow the
claim is. No promise to bring democracy there, only
guns, soldiers and military bases.

Nor is the war in Iraq about any 'clash of
civilizations.' No matter how much crusaders like
President George Bush and British Prime Minister Tony
Blair and their Armageddon-minded religious fellow
travelers might actually think there is something holy
about their mission, there isn't.

My favorite ant-war demonstration placard is the one
that reads: 'Why is our oil under their sand?' That's
what this war is all about; it is what has largely
shaped U.S. policy in the Balkans, Central Asia and the
Middle East for decades now.

Acceptance of the silly notion that the reason young
men and women from our country, and untold thousands of
Iraqis, are daily dying needlessly has something to do
with bestowing democracy has contributed to another
fallacy that now serves to extend the war and the
carnage, an argument why we cannot do the wise and
proper thing and get out now. This is the idea that the
U.S. must remain in the country for years, if not
decades, to see this alleged process of democratization
through. It just another version of the old colonialist
mantra: these people can't be trusted to run their own
affairs.

The idea that the Iraqi people are ignorant of the
virtues of majority rule and not prepared for self-
government reflects nothing so much as imperialist
arrogance. The Iraqis have a long political history.
They have struggled for democracy in the past and have
a tradition of political parties that mirror the
political trends that exist in most other countries.
The Iraqi Bath Party itself was at one point a
progressive force in Iraqi and the politics of the
region. Saddam Hussein rose to power over the tortured
bodies of the Baathists, communists, socialists and
revolutionary democrats who stood valiantly in his path
and who have organized against repression and religious
sectarianism and division for three decades, in exile
and underground. The Iraqis are quite capable of
running their own affairs - free of tyrants and
occupiers from afar.

One hardly reads a commentary on Iraq these days
without encountering foreboding warnings of 'civil war'
should the so-called coalition forces leave. So what?
We can hope that the Iraqis - Arabs and Kurds -- will
be able to settle their internal affairs without
violent upheaval. But that's not a foregone conclusion.
We couldn't. The United States was hardly free from
England when it became embroiled in a lengthy and nasty
civil war. It determined the nation's character and
future. Indeed, if the wrong side had won, I might be a
slave today.  Who is to say that there will not arise
an Iraqi leader who declares the nation indivisible and
presides over a tumultuous struggle to keep it united?

The point is: the future of Iraq is the Iraqi people's
business, not ours or that of anyone else in the Anglo
coalition. We have no right to preside over and shape
Iraq's political development. The idea that the U.S. or
any other government should send troops half way around
the planet to deliver another people from 'evil' is
Crusader stuff, and the Iraqis and the other people of
the Middle East and South Asia will resist it now just
as they resisted it the first time around.

The reason U.S. military spokespersons continually harp
on the presence of hardly-ever-produced 'foreign
forces' in Iraq - a claim parroted by the pliant U.S.
news media -- is to distract from the reality of an
obvious mass popular resistance to the occupation.
Likewise, the allegation that the only people
trying to drive the occupiers out of the country are
elements of the old regime or tools of meddlesome
neighboring countries.  The fear in Washington is that
the struggle being waged against the occupation forces
will appear as a legitimate battle for national
liberation and thus draw encouragement and support from
others in the world.

As long as resisters were considered only 'remnants of
Saddam's Revolutionary Guard' or 'foreign fighters'
somehow 'linked to al-Qaeda,' progressives had to, in
principle, adopt a stance somewhat akin to 'a plague on
both houses.'  That moment has passed.  With the rise
of the popular resistance, led by people who were, or
would have been, Saddam's victims, U.S. and British
military forces are increasingly viewed as battling the
Iraqi people - just as the U.S. ended up fighting
against the people of Vietnam. We weren't defending
lofty ideas then and we aren't now.

--

Carl Bloice is a freelance writer/journalist in San
Francisco, Ca.

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DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
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CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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