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Saddam's capture: was a deal brokered behind the scenes?
By David Pratt
January 04, 2004, sundayherald online
http://www.sundayherald.com/39096
When it emerged that the Kurds had captured the Iraqi dictator, the US celebrations 
evaporated. David Pratt asks whether a secret political trade-off has been engineered
* * * * *
For a story that three weeks ago gripped the world's imagination, it has now all but 
dropped off the radar.
Peculiar really, for if one thing might have been expected in the aftermath of Saddam 
Hussein's capture, it was the endless political and media mileage that the Bush 
administration would get out of it .
After all, for 249 days Saddam's elusiveness had been a symbol of America's ineptitude 
in Iraq, and, at last, with his capture came the long-awaited chance to return some 
flak to the Pentagon's critics.
It also afforded the opportunity to demonstrate the effectiveness of America's elite 
covert and intelligence units such as Task Force 20 and Greyfox .
And it was a terrific chance for the perfect photo-op showing the American soldier, 
and Time magazine's 'Person of the Year', hauling 'High Value Target Number One' out 
of his filthy spiderhole in the village of al- Dwar.
Then along came that story: the one about the Kurds beating the US Army in the race to 
find Saddam first, and details of Operation Red Dawn suddenly began to evaporate.
US Army spokesmen - so effusive in the immediate wake of Saddam's capture - no longer 
seemed willing to comment, or simply went to ground.
But rumours of the crucial Kurdish role persisted, even though it now seems their 
previously euphoric spokesmen have now, similarly, been afflicted by an inexplicable 
bout of reticence.
It was two weeks ago that the Sunday Herald revealed how a Kurdish special forces unit 
belonging to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) had spearheaded and tracked down 
Saddam, sealing off the al-Dwar farmhouse long 'before the arrival of the US forces'.
PUK leader Jalal Talabani had chosen to leak the news and details of the operation's 
commander, Qusrut Rasul Ali, to the Iranian media long before Saddam's capture was 
reported by the mainstream Western press or confirmed by the US military.
By the time Western press agencies were running the same story, the entire emphasis 
had changed however, and the ousted Iraqi president had been 'captured in a raid by US 
forces backed by Kurdish fighters'.
In the intervening few weeks that troublesome Kurdish story has gone around the globe, 
picked up by newspapers from The Sydney Morning Herald to the US Christian Science 
Monitor, as well as the Kurdish press.
While Washington and the PUK remain schtum, further confirmation that the Kurds were 
way ahead in Saddam's capture continues to leak out.
According to one Israeli source who was in the company of Kurds at a meeting in Athens 
early on December 14, one of the Kurdish representatives burst into the conference 
room in tears and demanded an immediate halt to the discussions.
'Saddam Hussein has been captured,' he said, adding that he had received word from 
Kurdistan - before any television reports.
According to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, the delegate also confirmed that most of 
the information leading to the deposed dictator's arrest had come from the Kurds and - 
as our earlier Sunday Herald report revealed - who had organised their own 
intelligence network which had been trying to uncover Saddam's tracks for months.
The delegate further claimed that six months earlier the Kurds had discovered that 
Saddam's wife was in the Tikrit area. This intelligence, most likely obtained by 
Qusrut Rasul Ali and his PUK special forces unit, was transferred to the Americans. 
The Kurds, however, are said to have never received any follow-up from the coalition 
forces on this vital tip-off and were furious.
Whatever the full extent of their undoubted involvement in providing intelligence or 
actively participating on the ground in Saddam's capture, the Kurds, and the PUK in 
particular, would benefit handsomely.
Apart from a trifling $25 million bounty, their status would have been substantially 
boosted in Washington, which may in part explain the recent vociferous Kurdish 
reassertion of their long-term political ambitions in the 'new Iraq'.
For their own part the Kurds have already launched a political arrangement designed to 
secure their aspirations with respect to autonomy, if not nationalist or separatist 
aspirations.
To show how serious they are, the two main Kurdish groups, the PUK and the Kurdistan 
Democratic Party (KDP), have decided to close ranks and set up a joint Kurdish 
administration, with jobs being divided between the two camps. They have made it clear 
to the Americans that their leadership has a responsibility to their constituency.
Last week Massoud Barzani, leader of the KDP, called for a revision of the 
power-transfer agreement signed between the US-led coalition and Iraq's interim 
governing council to recognise 'Kurdish rights'.
The November 15 agreement calls for the creation of a national assembly by the end of 
May 2004 which will put in place a caretaker government by June, which in turn will 
draft a new constitution and hold national elections
'The November 15 accord must be revised and Kurdish rights' within an Iraqi federation 
must be mentioned,' Barzani told a meeting of his supporters.
'The Kurds are today in a powerful position but must continue the struggle to guard 
their unity,' he added.
This renewed determination to fulfil their political objectives is shaking up other 
ethnic residents in northern Iraq, who fear at best being marginalised; at worst 
victimised. Over the last week there have been increasingly violent clashes between 
Kurdish and Arab students, and between Kurds and Turkemens, in the oil rich city of 
Kirkuk.
Such ethnic confrontations point to another dangerous phase in Iraq's power-brokering. 
If the Kurds did indeed capture Saddam first, and a deal was struck about his handover 
to the US, then it's not inconceivable that the terms might have included strong 
political and strategic advantages that could ultimately determine the emerging power 
structure in Iraq.
04 January 2004



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www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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