-Caveat Lector-

>The Evil Empire Gets a President
>Revolutionary Worker #1084, December 24, 2000
>
>The empire has a president.
>
>On Dec. 12, the U.S. Supreme Court squashed any recount in
>Florida--essentially appointing the Republican candidate to the White House.
>George W. Bush soon emerged from his Prairie Chapel ranch, with a strut that
>goes well with his smirk. Al Gore appeared on TV to legitimize the
>winner--calling on people to support the new president. The official news
>quickly dropped the curtain on the grim struggle over power--and switched,
>abruptly, to fuzzy post-election, bi-partisan talk of "honeymoon" and good
>wishes.
>
>But it will hardly work--as millions and millions of people saw the whole
>deal go down. They saw the system caught up in an inner-ruling class fight
>over power--with much of its usual myth and camouflage pulled away.
>
>When the 2000 election ended in a tie--the airwaves were filled with
>constant talk about "now you know how much your vote counts." But only a few
>weeks later, what a joke that is!
>
>When the spotlight fell on Florida, people saw, day after day, how votes
>were discarded by the tens of thousands. They saw how the state machinery
>worked to suppress the vote in Black and immigrant communities--using the
>"Jeb Crow" tactics of striking people off the voter lists, "losing" ballot
>boxes, using cheap voting machines in poor neighborhoods that disqualified
>one out of four votes in some Black precincts, denying Creole interpreters
>to Haitian voters, and even setting up state police roadblocks to harass
>people. And once again the deep oppression of Black people, as a people,
>that marks U.S. society jumped into the headlines.
>
>The decision for president had nothing to do with the "will of the people."
>All of a sudden, everyone came face-to-face with the Electoral College--an
>institution from the Founding Fathers designed to prevent the people from
>controlling politics. And then, when Florida emerged as the deciding battle
>ground--the decision was not made by votes, but by ruling class institutions
>and backrooms deals.
>
>Each political camp tried to have the final election decision made in the
>institutions favorable to them--George W. relied on his brother's political
>machine in Florida--which controls the Florida legislature and the vote
>certifying bureaucracy. A secret deal was reached with the mayor of Miami to
>stop the vote recount in the crucial Miami-Dade County. To get a recount
>favorable to him, Gore sought approval from the Democrat-appointed Florida
>Supreme Court--while Bush ended up winning thanks to the U.S. Supreme Court.
>It was a game of "dueling institutions" within the ruling class--and, in the
>end, George W. won because his side had the main faces in high places.
>
>Legitimacy, Legitimacy, Who Has the Legitimacy?
>
>"To state it in a single sentence, elections are controlled by the
>bourgeoisie, are not the means through which basic decisions are made in any
>case, and are really for the primary purpose of legitimizing the system and
>the policies and actions of the ruling class, giving them the mantle of a
>'popular mandate' and of channeling, confining, and controlling the
>political activity of the masses of people." --
>Bob Avakian, Chairman of the RCP
>
>"Who let the dogs out?" --
>Chant outside Florida capitol
>opposing Supreme Court ruling
>
>This time, the election mess threatened to deny the new president the
>legitimacy or mandate that the election process is supposed to give. And the
>ruling class is worried--they need to have their actions and their leaders
>draped with the appearance of popular support--exactly because their class
>and actions are so profoundly opposed to the interests of the vast majority
>of people.
>
>This problem hung over the selection process like a cloud. Powerful forces
>didn't want the Florida votes recounted because they feared it would not
>resolve the fighting within the ruling class, and because they feared that
>if the vote count went for Gore key institutions would plow ahead and decide
>for Bush, creating the problem of a new president who had publicly lost both
>the national popular vote and the Florida recount.
>
>When the fight in Florida became a collision between the Florida state
>government and the Florida Supreme Court--the U.S. Supreme Court stepped in
>to settle it. And that too was revealing.
>
>In a crude political move, a slim 5-4 majority of that court stopped any
>recounts in Florida and ended the vote. The court was not just split along
>partisan lines--the dissenting opinion of the Democratic judges was bitter,
>and openly disrespectful.
>
>And it was openly political--since the conservatives who formed that
>majority disregarded all their own most public "principles."
>
>The conservatives who form the U.S. Supreme Court pride themselves on being
>"strict constitutionalists"--and being supporters of the rights of states
>and legislatures over "judicial activism." And so it is revealing that they
>chose to do exactly what they claim their principles oppose. They overruled
>the attempts of the state of Florida to settle this themselves. They
>overruled the U.S. Constitution (which said a dispute at the state level
>over electors should go to the U.S. Congress). They did exactly what they
>told the Florida State Supreme Court not to do: make up new standards to
>replace the election laws and procedures the Florida state legislature put
>in place.
>
>And the reason had to do with the crisis of legitimacy--the alternative to
>this crude and partisan decision of the court was sending the decision to
>Congress, where the Republican majority is known for being even more crude
>and partisan. It was the "nightmare scenario" for many in the ruling
>class--because Congress itself has little legitimacy, and because the
>Republican majority in the House is hated widely for being extreme and
>extremely harsh.
>
>A Republican president--rescued by suppressing vote counts and installed by
>the Republican hit squad of Congress--would have been a scandal. So the
>Supreme Court conservatives decided to act, to end the contest in a
>courtroom, not in a congressional foodfight--to wrap whatever legitimacy
>they had over the proceedings and over the new president.
>
>And they did this at great cost to their own legitimacy--to the myth that
>the top court rules from non-political heights over the conflicts of
>society. The liberal Justice Stevens expressed ruling class worries over the
>damage this would do the Supreme Court as an institution--when he wrote:
>"Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the
>winner of this year's presidential election, the identity of the loser is
>perfectly clear. It is the nation's confidence in the judge as an impartial
>guardian of the rule of law."
>
>Stevens was deeply worried that this act would tarnish the whole capitalist
>legal system: "The endorsement of [the Bush] position by the majority of
>this court can only lend credence to the most cynical appraisal of the work
>of the judges throughout the land."
>
>Pulling Back the Curtain
>
>What institution was not revealed in this whole election mess? The sham of
>the vote? The electoral slavishness of the media? The election machinery of
>Florida "delivering" the votes to the governor's brother? The braying
>legislators in Florida overruling the votes? And the courts, giving lip
>service to rule of law, while they crudely tried to rescue legitimacy for
>this system and promote their particular partisan favorites?
>
>As Bush was finally picked, one TV show interviewed a woman who had served
>as a U.S. election monitor in the Third World, and she bluntly remarked, "We
>would never have certified this election if it was held anywhere else." The
>whole thing was and is obviously corrupt and rotten.
>
> >From the beginning these candidates were picked, and pre-tested, by the
>ruling class. They were funded with $200 million each--to indoctrinate the
>population, to decide which "issues" would be discussed and which would not.
>In a world sharply divided between rich and poor, between imperialist
>countries and oppressed countries, between bourgeois and proletarian--the
>system debated "tax cuts" (i.e., cutting social programs) and privatizing
>social security. And which candidate would give more to the military. And
>which one was tougher on testing school kids. A tightly controlled bourgeois
>debate.
>
>Meanwhile, the intolerable conditions of the oppressed people (here and
>around the world) were almost completely ruled out of order--no talk of
>ending poverty, no official debate over ending the prison lockup of millions
>in the "war on drugs," or ending the border militarization that has left
>hundreds of immigrants dead. Certainly no talk about real change--and what
>it would take. The TV debates were so tightly controlled that even the
>not-so-radical reform ideas of Ralph Nader were considered "not ready for
>prime time." The ruling class and its political machinery decided who ran,
>what they said, who got to hear it, and then when there was a stalemate,
>their state machinery picked the winner--by suppressing the vote count in a
>court decision!
>
>And at the end of all that, the ruling class has finally decided to hand
>over their central institutions of government to the control of the
>Republican Party--at least for now. The White House and the Congress are
>under overall Republican control for the first time since the 1952 McCarthy
>period. After months of laying low, the hitmen of the Republican Right are
>showing themselves--with the creepy Rep. Tom DeLay crowing that the system's
>agenda for the future is now under unified control.
>
>No wonder millions feel a sense of disgust and disillusionment, and are
>bracing themselves for whatever comes next.
>
>The Class Politics of "Healing"
>
>"For the sake of our unity and the strength of our democracy, I offer my
>concession." --
>Albert Gore
>
>Whose unity? After all this, people are told to embrace the new president,
>and hope for his "success."
>
>One purpose of elections is "channeling, confining, and controlling the
>political activity of the masses of people." And that is exactly what the
>traditional "concession speech" of bourgeois politics is designed to do.
>
>It is a sign that the ruling class (who intend to keep fighting amongst
>themselves) need to preserve the legitimacy of their common institutions.
>They insist on respect for the presidency, if not the specific president.
>And a period will now be set aside to drive home that point among the masses
>of people. The New York Times said the people needed "a sense of
>completeness, stability and rightness."
>
>It shows the class nature of Gore and the Democrats--and how little,
>fundamentally, separates them from the Republicans. Their struggle has been
>over the pace and form of implementing a common reactionary program--what
>has been called "the politics of cruelty"--while the whole political agenda
>has been moved steadily to the right.
>
>That struggle--which broke out in the impeachment fight and in the
>unrelenting attacks on Clinton--is likely to be very sharp in the months
>ahead. And as we have analyzed during the impeachment struggle, while the
>Clinton democrats have played an important role in terms of getting over
>with this "politics of cruelty," in this time of "major transitions" for the
>U.S. ruling class, the Republicans have had more initiative, and have been
>willing to push their reactionary cause in an aggressive "take no quarter"
>kind of way. And in particular the "hard-core right" seems to have more
>motivation at this point to step outside conventional "norms" and some
>established bourgeois tradition--and to be very dogged in doing so. This has
>been true in their basically uninterrupted attack on Clinton and the Clinton
>presidency from the very beginning--with an intensity that the Democrats did
>not have when dealing with Republicans (and recent Republican presidents).
>
>It seems that, to a large extent, the Democrats' preferred method of
>carrying out their "mission" (and for waging their side of the inner-ruling
>class struggle) is to position themselves as upholders of the "center"--both
>in terms of the political spectrum and in terms of "the center holding"
>(that is: giving extra emphasis to being the upholders of the law, the
>Constitution, etc.). And while they are certainly carrying on their own kind
>of struggle with the Republicans, the Democrats do not want to, and do not
>think they have a basis to, confront the "conservatives" by stepping outside
>the framework of that "center"--because they do not have support in the
>ruling class itself to do this. And this has played itself out during the
>election. And will continue to play itself out in the coming months as the
>Democrats attempt to position themselves to "fight another day."
>
>Resistance is the Order of the Day
>
>The U.S. ruling class now has a president who lost the popular vote, got the
>White House with the vote of one Supreme Court Judge, heads a bitterly
>divided ruling class and Congress, and has an intensely hostile and
>anti-people program to carry out in a world where he is already hated and
>distrusted. As workmen hammered together reviewing stands outside the
>Capitol, comedians on TV asked whether these were for the inauguration or
>gallows for the new President's next wave of executions.
>
>The ruling class attempted to paper over their contradictions during the
>election, but they erupted again and came into view--and with this struggle
>came the chance for millions of people to open their eyes and see how the
>system really works. But the people have to be hip enough to recognize what
>the system has revealed--no matter how many Black faces they put in high
>places.
>
>After this election, who can seriously say that this is a system or a
>process that will get rid of racism, poverty, or meet the real needs of the
>people?
>
>As the system inaugurates its new leader, the people need to step up our
>resistance to the politics of cruelty that will intensify in the new year.
>And as we take it to the streets for the inauguration, we need to have our
>sights on building a real revolutionary movement that can take this system
>down and implement a real revolutionary programme.
>----------------------------------------------------------------------------
>This article is posted in English and Spanish on Revolutionary Worker Online
>rwor.org
>Write: Box 3486, Merchandise Mart, Chicago, IL 60654
>Phone: 773-227-4066 Fax: 773-227-4497
>(The RW Online does not currently communicate via email.)

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