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(AP) ASSOCIATED PROPAGANDA
HISTORY OF A "NEWS" SERVICE
By Uri Dowbenko
Media Columnist
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
The secret history of the Associated Press reveals a pro-establishment,
anti-populist bias that stretches all the way back to its origin.
As an aside to a true life crime story, historian J. Anthony Lukas describes
the beginnings of the ubiquitous AP in his book Big Trouble.
Lukas contends that in the early days of the twentieth century, "Americans
were aghast that a great octopus like the AP could embrace eight hundred
member papers, putting its product before as many as twenty-five million
readers every day."
Even then, AP's homogenized and biased stories, masquerading as "objective"
journalism, were offensive to American readers.
"'Here,' wrote one stupefied editor, 'is the most tremendous engine for power
that ever existed in this world. If you can conceive all the power ever
wielded by the great autocrats of history, even that would be less than the
power now wielded by the Associated Press.'"
Of course, this assessment was made long before the inevitable orchestration
of radio, television and the press into what CIA operative Frank Wisner liked
to call the "Might Wurlitzer" of Big Media Cartel propaganda.
"The AP's puissance was measured as much by organizational rigor as by sheer
size, for in an era of trusts, it was one of the nation's most effective
monopolies," continues Lukas.
"A newspaper with a precious AP franchise was protected against any
competitor in its territory seeking one, while the AP itself had dread powers
to discipline a paper that dealt with a rival news service."
A parallel situation in history, of course, is the Rockefeller-controlled
Standard Oil Trust, which through corporate-mob tactics, indistinguishable
from organized crime, succeeded in monopolizing the entire oil industry in
the United States.
But how did AP get that way?
"In 1898, facing charges of trafficking with the enemy, the Chicago
'InterOcean' challenged the AP's structure in court," writes Lukas. "When the
Illinois Supreme Court upheld the suit, finding that the AP was 'so affected
with a public duty' that it must provide its news to any applicant, the AP
abruptly dissolved as an Illinois corporation and reorganized in New York,
this time not as a business corporation but as a mutual association - like a
literary society or fishing club - permitting it arbitrarily to expel any memb
er who protested publicly against the way the organization was run.
Henceforth all insurgency was doomed."
In its new incarnation, disguised as a co-operative, Associated Press was
able to smash any resistance to its heavy-handed tactics.
In a prescient analysis of today's interlocking corporate-based monopoly
media cartel, Lukas writes that "to its critics, the AP was fond of stressing
this 'mutuality,' arguing that it was merely a 'clearing house' drawing news
primarily from its members and distributing it to other members."
"In fact, the AP stood for the notion that news was private property,
fiercely retaliating against anyone who poached on its preserve," reveals
Lukas. "It was dominated by an inner circle of large metropolitan newspapers
that at the time of the service's reincarnation in 1900 had each purchased a
thousand dollars in bonds worth forty votes, compared to the single vote held
by ordinary members."
Redolent of the operation of the Federal Reserve and its privately-owned
magical money machine, the newsmongers of Associated Press have a similar
monopoly in the distribution of what passes for "information" and a daily
record of events which eventually become "history."
"Buttressed by this margin, old-guard papers like the Chicago Tribune and the
Washington Star were firmly in the saddle," continues Lukas. "Where it drew
news from a member paper, which generally supported the community's most
substantial interests, the AP reflected the outlook of that city's power
structure."
Currently, AP's offices in New York's Rockefeller Center reflect the
globalist nature of the media establishment's concerns for tight rigid news
control and the subsequent molding of public opinion.
For Upton Sinclair, writes Lukas, "the AP's vast reach ensured that American
public opinion was 'poisoned at the source.'" (By the way, where does your
hometown paper get its so-called "news"?)
"In large cities and some state capitals, the AP maintained bureaus staffed
by its own men, and to cover major events, it dispatched its own reporters,"
writes Lukas. "But that did little to diversify the AP's menu. To Oswald
Garrison Villard of New York's Evening Post, the AP had 'always bowed down
before authority and rarely ever stood up to the government in any
controversy.'"
AP remains the same yesterday, today, and most likely tomorrow. The wide
variety of internet news sources, however, as well as alternative media must
be anathema to the control freaks of the Big Media Cartel.
Interestingly enough, the origin of mandatory public education in America is
based on a similar agenda. The late 19th century Minnesota Congressman and
author Ignatius Donnelly believed that "it was foisted on Americans, so that
children would be able to read the newspapers, the propaganda sheets of the
ruling elite."
Donnelly himself said as much. Around 1890, he wrote that "the rich men owned
the newspapers and the newspapers owned the readers. If the public had not
been able to read and write, they would have talked with one another upon
public affairs and have formed some correct ideas; their education simply
facilitated their mental subjugation."
So-called education, after all, is about the control of minds. According to
historian and former Hoover Institution scholar Antony C. Sutton, author of Am
erica's Secret Establishment, "any group that wanted to control the future of
American society had first to control education, i.e. the population of the
future."
Sutton asserts that "this was the victory of the Hegelians, who believed that
the State is superior to the individual. Prussian militarism, Naziism and
Marxism have the same philosophic roots."
"The influence of John Dewey is that he can be recognized as the pre-eminent
factor in the collectivisation, or Hegelianization, of American Schools,"
continues Sutton.
"Dewey believed education is not child-centered, but state-centered because
for a Hegelian, social ends are always State ends. The misunderstanding
between modern parents and the educational system begins here. Parents
believe a child goes to school to learn skills to use in the adult world, but
Dewey states specifically that education is not a preparation for future
living. Its function, he believed, was to 'prepare the child as a unit in an
organic whole,'" concludes Sutton.
In other words, school is just a way to prepare kids to be cogs in society.
Welcome to the Machine. "Political dissent is not to be tolerated" is a
standard tenet of the AP "modus operandi."
According to Lukas, the AP's M.O. has been the same ever since. "The Hayward
case [the subject of Big Trouble] may have been the first trial in American
history in which the real target wasn't so much the jurors in the box as the
larger jury of public opinion," he writes. "It bore the signs of a
spectacular show trial, a great national drama in which the stakes were
nothing less than the soul of the American people."
The soul of the American people remains the target of the Big Media Cartel.
Remember, when you see that AP symbol at the beginning of a "news" story,
think Associated Propaganda.
(Copyright 1999 Uri Dowbenko)

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*   Read last week's Uri Dowbenko column
Uri Dowbenko is a marketing consultant who heads a modular agency with full
service capabilities. He is one of America's most prolific writers on the
media. His reviews and articles explore the psycho-political and historical
context of contemporary books, movies and pop culture. He is also Chairman
and CEO of New Improved Entertainment Corporation, a new company actively
seeking capitalization for an extensive slate of politically incorrect
feature film projects. Dowbenko's column is published exclusively in Nitro
News every week.

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