-Caveat Lector-

(From the Village Voice)
Jackson-Watchers Claim Wall Street Contributors Arranged His Phone Call to
Bush
Is Jesse for Sale?
by Peter Noel


Downcast Wall Street investors whose fears had been focused on a slowing
economy demanded that Reverend Jesse Jackson curtail his blistering attacks
on George W. Bush. These financiers arranged the controversial phone call
that Jackson made to the "president-select" shortly after Al Gore conceded
the race, key business figures told the Voice. Corporate moguls contribute
heavily to Jackson's Wall Street Project, an economic-development program
intended to persuade New York's financial leaders to steer big-business
bucks
to minority communities and entrepreneurs. The Project is, in fact, the Wall
Street office of Jackson's Rainbow-PUSH Coalition. "These guys on Wall
Street
aren't Democrats or Republicans—they're capitalists," says one investor.
"When they saw the tide turning, some of Reverend Jackson's top contributors
put a call in to him." Jackson did not return Voice calls for comment. Even
before the U.S. Supreme Court had ruled in favor of Bush on the night of
December 12, Jackson was promising to "take to the streets" with a "civil
rights explosion." Prior to his phone call, Jackson had compared the Supreme
Court's ruling to the 1857 Dred Scott decision in which the Court declared
that blacks, slave or free, did not have the rights of citizens. After the
Supreme Court ruling, Jackson said he rejected Bush as the successor to
President Clinton "with every bone in my body and every ounce of moral
strength in my soul." He also said that "to lose by racial targeting is
dishonorable." With Wall Street having factored in a Bush victory, sources
in
the financial community say, it was only a matter of time before major
movers
and shakers muzzled Jackson and other Gore loyalists crying thievery. "These
contributors told Reverend Jackson, 'You better hold this down because we
won't back you anymore if you are adverse to the new administration in
Washington,' " a financial insider claims. "They said, 'We certainly can't
give you the floor of the New York Stock Exchange and all these other perks
if you are out there taking shots at a president we now have to lobby to get
what we want.' My understanding is that they told Reverend Jackson, 'You
better call Bush.' " The source adds that one business figure also told
Jackson he would call Bush "and tell him to take your call." On December 14,
Bush took a call from the civil rights leader. They talked about "healing
the
nation and bringing it together," according to a Bush aide. Bush offered to
meet with Jackson "for further discussions on election reform" in the
aftermath of allegations that black voters were unfairly treated in some
Florida voting precincts. The next day, Jackson, appearing on NBC's Today
show, said of Bush: "It is his burden to bring some closure to that
[allegation] in some fair and open way." That Jackson could be pressured by
Wall Street investors to scale down his rhetoric intrigued a civic leader
who
is a close associate. "Why would Jesse make the call? Why would Bush accept
the call?" he asks. Without confirming that is exactly what happened, this
Jackson supporter adds, "There must be somebody who is bigger than both of
them to put that together." Some in the black activist community are
steaming
over Jackson's phone call. They use words like "sellout" and "race merchant"
and "two-faced" to describe the nation's best-known civil rights activist.
One even asked, "Who's betraying Dr. Martin Luther King?" Jackson, one
incensed black leader declares, believes that the civil rights movement
marches to his dictates. None of the Congressional Black Caucus members or
any civil rights leaders contacted by the Voice was aware that Jackson had
planned to talk to Bush. Asserts one exasperated politician: "He didn't
touch
base with anyone." A source says that Florida congresswoman Corrine Brown
was
particularly outraged by Jackson's "shameful turnaround," which seemed to
dampen anti-Bush sentiments built up during the postelection crisis. Brown
and Jackson had filed a lawsuit claiming that blacks in Duval County were
denied the right to vote because they didn't have registration or photo-ID
cards, and were not permitted to present other forms of identification
allowed under state law. "She didn't know that he was going to make the
call," the source insists. "Just out of nowhere he makes this call. Why? He
had to protect his own interest." What would Al Sharpton do if Bush calls
him? "I would not meet with Bush alone," says the leader of the Harlem-based
National Action Network. "There has to be an agenda that the black
collective
agrees with. Clearly, I'm not looking to be part of the Bush
administration."
The black nationalist community, traditional Jackson foes, is abuzz with
condemnations of what it views as Jackson's latest political perfidy. "He is
a continuing embarrassment to the race," declares Louis Clayton Jones,
publisher and editor of the Atlanta-based Cyberdrum, complaining in a recent
e-mail to Elombe Brath, leader of the Patrice Lumumba Coalition
headquartered
in Harlem. "Don't be surprised if Bush appoints him to some meaningless post
in his administration." Jones, an attorney who was once an influential
figure
in New York City black activist politics, is a former ally of Jackson. "I
have been in the streets with Jesse," he recalls. "I have represented Jesse
in the courts of the City of New York. I have watched Jesse sabotage
grassroots attempts to bring equity in hiring practices to the masses of New
York City. I know, firsthand, what Jesse will do when faced with a choice
between principle and personal gain." No one, adds Jones, should be
surprised
that Jackson suddenly has warmed to Bush. "It is important to understand
that
Jesse Jackson is both shameless and heartless," Jones tells Brath in their
Internet colloquy. Johnnie P. Ware, a contributor to Cyberdrum, argues that
Jackson had no choice but to pick up the phone when ordered to fall in line
by his financial backers. The Detroit-based community activist points to
Jackson's membership in the Council on Foreign Relations, an establishment
political group that is a favorite target of conspiracy theorists. "As a
member of the Council on Foreign Relations," Ware notes, "Jesse seems to
have
been assigned the job of keeping the rabble in line: Don't let them riot,
don't let them form groups that might bring about change, don't let them
challenge the system, and above all, don't let them choose their own
leaders—
be their leader whether they like it not. Jackson is allowed to say anything
[he wants] about whites, without fear of reprisal, as long as he controls
the
black community. That's his job." There is another phone call that Jesse
Jackson is being advised to make: To Al Sharpton. Relations between the
on-again, off-again friends sank to a new low in October after the Burger
King Corporation enlisted Jackson to help derail Sharpton's call for a
boycott of the world's No. 2 fast-food chain. The Jackson-Sharpton feud was
first reported by the Voice. Sharpton has been backing black Detroit
businessman La-Van Hawkins in a dispute with Burger King. In April,
Hawkins's
Urban City Foods sued Burger King in federal court, accusing the company of
fraud and reneging on a deal to let Hawkins open 225 restaurants within five
years. Hawkins alleged that Burger King treated him like a pawn, courting
him
because of his race and then using it against him to squelch his dream of
owning a string of Burger Kings in underserved communities. Burger King
argued it never made such promises and countersued, seeking more than $6.5
million it says Hawkins owes on a 1998 loan. (On December 15, a federal
judge
ruled that Burger King did not break any promises to Hawkins, setting the
stage for the chain's bid to revoke his existing franchises.) Sharpton
initially threatened a nationwide boycott, but later relented and said it
would begin on a city-by-city basis. In October, he called for a boycott of
the fast-food chain in New York City, which has only one black franchise
owner. Last month, according to The New Republic, "Jackson sent Sharpton a
stiff letter warning that a boycott might be counterproductive, since it
could harm the 'more than 100 black-and brown-owned franchises, employing
more than 8000 people." But the magazine cites "Sharpton allies" who "point
out that Burger King has backed Jackson's Rainbow-PUSH Coalition for nearly
20 years." Burger King estimates "it has given Jackson's group roughly
$500,000," but Jackson "puts the figure at approximately $125,000," the
magazine reported. Sharpton supporters say that the quarrel is a wake-up
call
to Jackson, who, as he gains establishment approval, may be moving toward an
elder statesman role. "I expect that sooner or later he is going to call,"
an
aide to Sharpton bristles. "I don't know what he is going to say. I know
that
Reverend Sharpton might tell Reverend Jackson he'll do what he and others
had
trained him to do: Fight injustice." Feelings of ill will, however,
escalated
in Florida, where the two civil rights giants almost clashed in turf
warfare.
Sharpton went to Miami-Dade County, where his National Action Network got
the
jump on Jackson and sued Florida secretary of state Katherine Harris and
George W. Bush, alleging that the two Republicans interfered with the rights
of Florida's minority voters. According to the suit, filed on behalf of
three
Miami residents, Harris and the state elections board "disenfranchised"
minority voters by certifying Bush as the winner before Miami-Dade County
could complete a manual recount of presidential ballots. Jackson sued in
Duval County. In the battle of one-up politics, Sharpton aligned himself
with
former Washington, D.C., mayor Marion Barry and called on African Americans
to form a "human prayer chain" around the U.S. Supreme Court building.
Jackson later initiated a march on the Department of Justice that wound up
at
the Supreme Court. "There were two separate marches—one led by Jackson, one
led by Sharpton," says a political observer. The jockeying was so obvious
that Florida legislators such as Congresswoman Carrie Meeks tried to get the
factions to meet in Miami to settle their differences. "But Jackson refused
to go," says a Sharpton aide. When Congresswoman Corrine Brown, a Jackson
ally, called Sharpton's camp seeking a meeting, a Sharpton aide said
Jackson's lawyers should call Sharpton's lawyers. "The call never came," the
aide says. "This is definitely the worst. They have never been to the point
of not communicating with each other. This Burger King disagreement seems to
have permanently widened the Jackson-Sharpton rift." Sharpton aides
anticipate a showdown if Jackson attends a black leadership conference on
January 4 in Washington. Again, black leaders may have to contend with
dueling marches. Says the aide: "Reverend Sharpton's march is high on the
agenda, and we understand that some of the leaders are going to oppose it.
Oh, there definitely is going to be a fight. We're gonna have a showdown on
how we intend to deal with the Bush years, on whether we're gonna roll over
or fight. And fight we will on January 20." Jackson says protests against
"the chaos and the debacle in Florida" will be held on January 15, the legal
holiday celebrating the birthday of Martin Luther King. Sharpton plans to
rain on George W. Bush's coronation with a "shadow inauguration" on January
20. Critics claim that Jackson really wants to attend the inauguration,
adding that he chose King Day to cover his tracks because he does not want
to
appear to be disruptive. "On January 20, it's gonna look like he is not with
the people," a Sharpton aide speculates. "He is definitely not trying to
heed
his own advice to 'stay out the Bushes.' " Reverend William Jones, former
national chair of Operation Breadbasket, an economic-pressure arm of Dr.
King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference during the '60s—who knows
Jackson better than many of his detractors—was once quoted as saying: "In
many ways Jesse reminds me of a pilot in search of a landing field who is
unable to locate one." But an activist who is familiar with Reverend Jones's
quote put this spin on it: "Jesse Jackson is like an airplane with no
airport
to land in. No one will give him clearance, and he is low on fuel."


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