June 9, 2000

Bribing Miss Hazel

The inside story of
payoffs to Hillary, O'Leary

© 2000 WorldNetDaily.com

By Johnny Chung

I know there are some people out there who find the concept of
government conspiracies amusing. Despite any evidence that
surfaces pointing to government cover-ups of illegal activity,
"level-headed" citizens give Uncle Sam's agents the benefit of
the doubt and call the rest of us "paranoid."

Those people may call themselves level-headed, but I say they are
ostriches burying their heads in the sand. As the saying goes,
it's not being paranoid if they're really after you.

Webster defines conspiracy as "a joining secretly with others for
an evil purpose; a plot."

I submit to you that extortion and attempting to conceal the
crimes of the president of the United States -- the leader of the
free world -- are indeed evil purposes.

Government conspiracies exist. I know this because I have been
used in some of them. Let's review just two of them now.

After two and a half years, the Justice Department finally handed
over documents to the House Government Reform Committee, which
released them this week. The documents add to the mounting pile
of evidence demonstrating a conspiracy at the highest levels of
government in the Chinagate scandal.

Eager reporters writing their stories called me up with many
questions. But they all wrote piecemeal stories, focusing on
different aspects of the whole story instead of giving the big
picture. I'd like to add to those stories by giving you a bit
more inside information straight from the horse's mouth.

One of the newly-released documents was a memo from FBI Director
Louis Freeh, recommending the appointment of an independent
counsel to investigate former Department of Energy Secretary
Hazel O'Leary for involvement in Chinagate.

In case you're thinking, "Haven't I already heard that some
high-ranking official recommended an independent counsel?" you're
right.

Former Justice Department task force supervisor Chuck LaBella
recommended an external investigation. Even the judge that
sentenced me for my involvement in the scandal, Manuel Real,
found it suspicious that no investigator had been appointed.

That's right: All three of these gentlemen -- the FBI director,
the DOJ task force leader and the judge -- thought it necessary
to have an independent counsel investigate the huge scandal. But
it never happened.

In the summer of 1996, I agreed to donate $25,000 to O'Leary's
favorite charity, Africare, at the suggestion of the secretary's
aide Corlis Moody. The money was to secure a place for China
Petro at a political meeting with O'Leary.

Moody said an invitation letter to China Petro signed by O'Leary
would be sent. Indeed, I received the faxed invitation with
O'Leary's signature, and I faxed it to a China Petro official.

Later, an African America gentleman claiming to be an employee of
the Energy Department came to my apartment in D.C. to collect the
$25,000 check to Africare. He also said he needed to retrieve the
faxed invitation I had received that morning because the
inspector general of the Energy Department said that it was
illegal.

So I gave him the check along with the fax, but I emphasized my
desire to secure the meeting.

After the Chinagate scandal erupted, FBI and DOJ prosecutors
asked me about the O'Leary incident. They showed me a copy of the
invitation, but it had been altered.

"This is not the one I saw before," I told the agents. They went
back to do some more digging and found the original version.

Nevertheless, Attorney General Janet Reno sent a letter to the
U.S. Appeals Court saying there was no need for an independent
counsel to investigate the bribery. O'Leary knew nothing about my
connection to her close aide Corlis Moody, Reno said. And
besides, the invitation letter had been signed by autopen.

Now, keep in mind I knew nothing about Africare before this
incident. Why would I donate money to an organization I knew
nothing about? All I knew was that I paid for a meeting, and I
got it. By the way, Hazel O'Leary is the director of Africare.
Coincidence? I think not.

The 1996 campaign finance scandal, also referred to as Chinagate,
is about money for political access. It's about how money can
influence U.S. elections and buy political power. This Justice
Department promised the American people it would turn every stone
in order to get to the truth. High-ranking government officials
said they would follow the money and that they would let the
chips fall where they may.

It's been three years. So far, the chips have all fallen on the
donors -- me and 24 other people, none of whom are part of the
White House administration, the Democratic National Committee, or
people close to the president, first lady and vice president. We
have become the poster boys of the Chinagate scandal.

Americans have seen good, professional, career prosecutors and
officials in the Justice Department leave, one-by-one, out of
frustration because their efforts to get to the truth have been
stymied by political appointees. That is a shame.

But they're not alone in their frustration. Members of both
chambers of Congress are calling this the most unethical White
House administration and Justice Department in America's history.
If you ask any former attorneys general of the DOJ about honesty
and integrity, they will say there is none in this
administration, including the Justice Department and the first
lady's office -- the setting for my second example of government
conspiracies.

The famous LaBella memo mentions an investigation of Hillary
Rodham Clinton's office. I told LaBella about the $50,000 check I
gave to Maggie Williams -- the first lady's chief of staff --
inside Mrs. Clinton's White House office. It was money for
political access. By accepting the money, Williams and the first
lady are guilty of violating the Hatch Act.

Trying to defend his wife, Clinton said at a 1997 press
conference that she merely accepted the money for the DNC. She
should have referred me to the DNC, he told reporters.

But ladies and gentlemen, why would I want to hand my check to
the DNC? I gave the check to the person from whom I was buying
political access.

If you're going to the movies to see "Mission: Impossible 2," you
don't buy a ticket to see "Shanghai Noon."

I needed to secure my political access in Washington, D.C.,
because I frequently entertained Chinese visitors who were
valuable to my business. To impress them, I brought them to the
White House. In order to better facilitate the arrangements, I
needed an insider.

In March of 1995, I brought a group of Chinese businessmen to the
White House to meet with the first lady and have their pictures
taken in the oval office. While we were there, an intern named
Gina Ratliffe from the first lady's office was very friendly to
my guests. So, I hired her as my company's public relations
person while she still worked in the White House.

Unfortunately, the phrase "White House intern" has such a bad
stigma associated with it now that I feel compelled to clarify
this was strictly a professional relationship. Ms. Ratliffe was
not a Clintonesque intern.

To familiarize her with Chinese customs, I sent Gina to China.
After she returned, she told me she needed to move to an
apartment in DuPont Circle where she could be closer to the White
House. She wanted my company to pay for a year-long lease she had
just signed at a cost of $15,000. We were already paying her a
salary -- something she didn't get from her internship -- and she
was still employed under a 90-day probationary period.

It soon became clear that Gina was not as good at her job as she
had promised. Before the probationary period was over, we decided
to let her go and did not pay her apartment lease. Disgruntled,
she began sending my company several letters.

Soon afterwards, I received a phone call from the first lady's
office. Ms. Evan Ryan, the first lady's secretary, asked me to
come to the White House.

Once I arrived, Ryan relayed a message: "Maggie Williams said
that if you don't settle this and pay Gina, this office will no
longer welcome you." They were going to cut off my White House
access.

I asked Ryan why I should pay for the apartment contract, but
they knew I wanted to secure my White House access, and they used
this to threaten me.

So I decided to give the intern an $8,000 check, including
termination documentation prepared by my corporate attorney that
she was to sign and return to my company. I handed copies of the
documentation to Even Ryan to show I had settled the matter.

Later, I found out the check had been cashed, but the termination
papers were never signed nor returned to me. Those White House
people really know how to shake you down.

After reading the LaBella and Freeh memos, I feel angry but
vindicated. I've been telling my side of the story all along, and
it's taken years for the evidence to be released. When I accepted
my guilt, I needed to right a wrong. I needed to tell the truth,
and I needed to help government officials get to the bottom of
the scandal.

High-ranking DOJ officials tried to stop every investigation into
people close to the president, the first lady and the vice
president. They stonewalled all the investigations of Chinagate.
They replaced all the FBI agents who knew the case well.

The FBI agents did a good job, and their boss, Louis Freeh, made
a correct decision to recommend an independent counsel. My
prosecutor, Michael McCaul, finished his case well and with my
full cooperation, which included putting my life and the lives of
my family on the line. McCaul's boss, Chuck LaBella, kept his
promise to me by writing a good and thorough memo recommending an
independent counsel. And Federal Court Judge Manuel Real also
believed the case merited an independent counsel.

But Attorney General Janet Reno said no.

After three years, we all know that no matter how many subpoenas
are issued by Congress, no matter how many people testify on
Capitol Hill, the Justice Department's response will always be
the same -- stonewall the case and sweep everything under the
rug.

You -- the readers of this column -- you decide who was right and
cast your vote at the ballot box this November.



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             Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT

  FROM THE DESK OF:                    <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
                      *Mike Spitzer*     <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
                         ~~~~~~~~          <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

   The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends
       Shalom, A Salaam Aleikum, and to all, A Good Day.
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