-Caveat Lector- > Bill Clinton's Legacy > by Charles R. Kesler > Thursday, August 12, 1999 > Comments: 48 posts <Picture> > > > > <Picture: This Issue's TOC> > <Picture: IC Archives> > <Picture: Sign Up to the IC Mailing List> > <Picture: Related IC articles> > Whatever Happened to Impeachment? : Ron Elving identifies the dog > that will not bark in campaign 2000. > > Clinton's Political Legacy II: The Plight of Al Gore : Is Gore > vs. Bush really just a Clinton vs. Bush redux? Everett Ladd > thinks so. > > Leaving the Left Behind : Wendy Kaminer laments Al Gore's > substantive rush to the political middle. > > Conservatives Search for a Candidate : Charles Kesler identifies > the right's three best hopes in 2000. > > > > <Picture> > <Picture> > <Picture> > > > Search > > <Picture: Previous Article><Picture: Next > Article><Picture><Picture>Claire Booth Luce once observed that in > the popular memory a president gets a single sentence: Lincoln > freed the slaves, Truman dropped the atomic bomb, Ford pardoned > Nixon. What will be Bill Clinton's sentence? > > Will he be remembered as the second president ever to be > impeached? The chief of state who couldn't keep his zipper up? > The former husband of Sen. Hillary Clinton (D-NY)? It is too soon > to tell for sure, of course, but the question must torment him, > particularly as his term winds down and the chances of enhancing > his legacy diminish. The Comeback Kid needs to pull off the > ultimate comeback. But how can he redeem himself in the eyes of > history? > > Judging from his earnest (and early) efforts to ensure that Vice > President Al Gore will succeed him and that the Democrats will > recapture the House of Representatives, Clinton seems to be > betting that he can craft a positive legacy for himself by > showing his party how to win big -- by remaking itself in his > centrist image. > > Leading his people > > If the scheme works, Clinton would become the new Moses of the > Democratic Party, leading his wayward people back to the center > of American politics where they could become the majority party > again. Although he could not enter the Promised Land himself, he > could take credit for leading his followers out of the wilderness > of the Reagan-Bush years and right up to the edge of that bridge > he's built to the 21st century, which Gore and Dick Gephardt > would then cross over in triumph. > > <Picture: Just what will Clinton's legacy be?> > Just what will > Clinton's legacy be? > In 1992, he ran as a "New Democrat," calling for campaign finance > reform, health-care reform, strong economic growth, and a > middle-class tax cut. But he promptly lost his way. In short > order, Clinton kowtowed toward his party's left wing in Congress, > replaced the tax cut with a wildly unpopular middle-class tax > increase, suffered the humiliating defeat of his (and Hillary's) > health-care plan, and endured in 1994 the election of a > Republican Congress for the first time in 40 years. The opposite > of Democratic realignment seemed to have taken place. > > Adversity is a great teacher, however, and Clinton quickly > returned to the "New Democrat" themes he had campaigned on in > 1992. Newt Gingrich's unpopularity was a great ally, doubtless. > Yet Clinton steadily and deliberately moved his presidency and > his 1996 campaign back towards the center. He embraced a balanced > budget, modest middle-class tax cuts, school uniforms, the > v-chip, and even GOP-sponsored welfare reform. At the same time, > he used his veto power to block Republicans' Medicare reforms and > to maneuver the Congress into suffering the blame for two > government shutdowns. > > After Clinton won re-election handily and the Republicans lost > congressional seats in both 1996 and 1998, however, Clinton has > been energized. Buoyed by Gingrich's decline and fall, and > delighted by the sudden revival of center-left parties in Europe, > Clinton is confident again that history is on his side. To prove > it to others (and perhaps even to himself), he must now show that > his victories were not the result of mere tactical adjustments -- > "triangulation," as his consultant Dick Morris dubbed it, driven > by desperate self-interest -- but that a principle was at work, > justifying and harmonizing his many concessions. > > Accordingly, his political redemption depends on his persuading > Democrats to rally around not Clinton but Clintonism. The big > question is: Is there such a thing? > > The third way > > Clinton thinks so, and he talks about it more and more. He calls > it "the Third Way." Students of his rhetoric may be forgiven for > thinking that he means there is a right way, a wrong way and Bill > Clinton's way, somehow not quite right, and yet not wrong or > definitely illegal, either. > > Call it "inappropriate." No, by the Third Way he means a way > beyond the "false choices" of old-style liberalism and > conservatism; a pragmatic, open-ended synthesis of the best of > left- and right-wing thought, in the service of three basic > principles: "opportunity, responsibility, community." > > The unofficial custodian of Third Way thinking is the Democratic > Leadership Council, an impressive group of moderate (and at one > time, mostly Southern) Democrats and communitarian intellectuals > who have kept the sacred fire burning for more than a decade. > Clinton, then governor of Arkansas, was chairman for a while, and > Gore has been active, too. The group hails its principles at work > in what DLC president Al From terms "the resurgence of > center-left, progressive centrist parties all around the globe," > pointing particularly to Tony Blair's "New Labour" in Britain. > From is proud of Clinton, whom he calls "the leader of the New > Democrat movement in this country and the single person most > responsible for the modernization of progressive politics all > over the world." > > A new way? > > But can Third Way principles bear such world-historical weight? > When Clinton endorses "opportunity," he means that it's possible > to have capitalism and social justice at the same time. At most, > this is a shift in emphasis away from redistributionist policies > and toward other palliatives, like government investments in job > education and training. His defense of "opportunity" has not > resulted in noticeable decreases in government regulation nor in > significant tax cuts. > > The most striking thing about Clinton's cozying up to the free > market, however, is that it allows him in good conscience to > consort with rich people. From rich liberals he charms millions > and millions of dollars of political contributions every month, > and has a good time doing it. He is especially fond of plutocrats > in the more creative and forward-looking industries least > entangled with labor unions -- e.g., Hollywood and Silicon > Valley. Not that the left's critique of capitalism has vanished > utterly from his mind, however, for he reserves a special obloquy > for the tobacco and gun industries. These industries are greedy, > exploitative and inhumane, thus concentrating in themselves all > the sins once attributed to capitalism or Big Business in > general. > > When lauding "responsibility" Clinton points to the > welfare-reform measure he signed, which did in fact require > welfare recipients to go to work and exercise other forms of > self-discipline. The discovery that work is good for the soul > came late to him, but at least it came. But the notion that > welfare rights must be accompanied by responsibilities, although > a return to common sense, is also a way of dodging other > fundamental questions about entitlement rights, particularly > those depicted not as forms of temporary assistance (like > welfare) but as permanent systems of social insurance (like > Social Security). > > The final part of the Third Way, "community," signifies something > quite dramatic for Clinton. As he sees it, at the heart of the > ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and of the mass shootings in > Littleton, Colo. lies the same problem, the same violation of > "community," caused by "fear of the Other." > > Individualism is impossible or unhealthy, and so we must all live > in groups or communities, although we should be free to shift our > memberships from one group to another, according to the > president. What's crucial, however, is that we not disparage or > look down upon the groups to which we don't belong. > > The Serbs looked down upon the Kosovars. The Columbine High > School athletes may have looked askance at the Trench Coat Mafia. > From such psychic wounds may come awful crimes. So "community" > turns out to mean, among other things, a right to equal concern > and respect among cultural, racial and other kinds of groups. > > This is impossible to achieve, because one reason for joining or > identifying with a group is to distinguish yourself from members > of other groups. How can you be a Democrat without looking > askance at Republicans? The only social entity able to recognize > the worth of all groups without belonging to any of them is the > State, and so this formula for community ends up empowering the > government, which gets to regulate every group. Thus Clinton's > calls for community turn into programs of national service and > paid volunteerism. > > There is very little then that's new or distinctive in the Third > Way, which is far from being a public philosophy beyond > liberalism and conservatism. It is more like liberalism with a > conservative face. Clintonism collapses back into Clinton, into > an utterly empirical and sentimental politician futilely in quest > of grand historical meaning, in quest, even, of a one-sentence > description of his presidency that will preserve his > self-respect. > > Charles R. Kesler is chairman of the department of government at > Claremont McKenna College and a contributing editor to > IntellectualCapital.com. His e-mail address is > [EMAIL PROTECTED] > > > > <Picture>Related Links > The Democratic Leadership Council has dedicated a sub-section of > their Web site to attempt to explain the Third Way philosophy. Of > particular interest, is a page dedicated to the Third Way going > global, which offers speeches by both Tony Blair and Gerhard > Schroeder. Much of Great Britain's Third Way thinking can be > found by the work done by the influential think tank, Demos. Read > Tony Blair's take on the Third Way. Eager for some Third Way > critics? Check out Townhall, where you are sure to find your > share. Policy.com took a look at "The Third Way and the Future of > Germany" earlier this year. >From IntellectualCapital.CoM http://www.intellectualcapital.com/issues/issue280/item6065.asp ~~~~~~~~~~~~ > The New Progressive Declaration: A Political Philosophy for the > Information Age > > Executive Summary > > July 10, 1996 > > At the dawn of the 21st century, America faces a turning point in > our history--a pivotal moment in which old civic virtues must > find fresh expression in new democratic institutions and in a new > covenant between citizens and their commonwealth. > > The industrial order of the 20th century, with its great > concentrations of economic and political power, is giving way to > a new society shaped by the centrifugal forces of the Information > Age. > > We cannot turn back these forces. But neither can we ignore the > insecurity that these revolutionary changes breed or the > reactionary impulses they threaten to unleash. We must, instead, > manage the transition to enable all Americans to adapt to new > conditions and take advantage of new opportunities. Above all, we > must have the courage to break free of the past, to sweep aside > old political ideas and governing structures that no longer serve > the greater public good. > > We know we can do this because we have done it before--during the > Progressive era early in this century when Americans reinvented > their democracy to cope with the dislocations and demands of > rapid industrialism and urbanization. > > Americans are ready for the challenge. Most have ceased believing > that the solutions to today's problems are to be found in a > larger, stronger central government--a course still supported by > traditional liberals. Nor do they buy the conservative argument > that the federal government is the source of our problems and > that dismantling it will solve them. > > America needs a third choice that replaces the left's reflexive > defense of the bureaucratic status quo and counters the right's > destructive bid to simply dismantle government. Such a "new > progressive" governing philosophy sees government as society's > servant, not its master--as a catalyst for a broader civic > enterprise controlled by and responsive to the needs of citizens > and the communities where they live and work. > > New Progressives seek to replace the old politics of top-down > paternalism with a new politics of individual and civic > empowerment. Because we can no longer rely on big institutions to > take care of us, it is time to craft new policies and > institutions that enable us to take care of ourselves and each > other. Ultimately, our challenge is to create a new way of > governing that fosters the skills and habits of civic enterprise > that have atrophied over the past century of centralization. > > A Governing Philosophy for the Information Age > > The New Progressive Politics rests on three cornerstones--three > ideals rooted in the progressive tradition of American democracy: > equality of opportunity, mutual responsibility, and > self-government. > > The first cornerstone--the promise of equal opportunity for all > and special privilege for none--has animated generations of > American leaders and has attracted millions of immigrants to our > shores. It is the ideal of a society in which individuals earn > their rewards through their own talents and effort within a > system of fair and open rules. It recognizes that there is no > invisible hand that creates equal opportunity; it is a conscious > social achievement that requires affirmative acts: removing > discriminatory barriers, providing meaningful arenas for > self-improvement, a commitment to public investment, and a > rejection of special-interest subsidies that give the influential > a leg up. > > The second cornerstone--the principle of mutual > responsibility--rests on a core idea: As a moral matter, we > cannot rightly benefit from any association to which we are not > prepared to contribute our fair share. It rejects > libertarianism--the idea that we have no obligations other than > the ones we choose; it is equally at odds with the philosophy of > entitlement--the belief that we can make demands on others > without giving something back. > > The third cornerstone--genuine self-government--requires public > institutions that empower our citizens to act for themselves by > decentralizing power, expanding individual choice, and injecting > competition into the delivery of public goods and services. From > charter schools to tradeable pollution allowances, the new model > uses the flexibility and ingenuity of private markets to serve > public purposes. > > Together, these principles constitute a very different political > purpose, social ethic, and approach to governing from those that > prevail today. > > Five Strategies for Renewing Democracy > > Building on these cornerstone principles, we offer five key > strategies to equip Americans to confront the challenges of the > Information Age: > > > > 標e must restore the American Dream by expanding wealth, rather > than redistributing it; by increasing opportunity through > investing in economic growth and education; and by enhancing the > security of workers by empowering them with greater > responsibility for their own economic well-being. 標e must > reconstruct our social order by strengthening families, attacking > crime, and empowering the urban poor. A stable social order > reflecting mutual trust and responsibility is the foundation upon > which successful self-government depends. 標e must renew our > democracy by both challenging the special interests that dominate > decision-making and by returning power to citizens and local > institutions. We must create a more open and competitive > political system in which the influence of special interest money > is sharply reduced. And we must stop complaining about the > government and start reclaiming our government by taking back > responsibility and political power for the decisions that affect > us. 標e must defend the common civic ideals and the spirit of > tolerance that enable America to draw strength and unity from its > amazing diversity. Because we can no longer take our cultural > cohesion for granted, we must all work harder to defend America's > common ground--the values and institutions we share in common as > well as our mutual rights and responsibilities as > citizens--against those on either end of the political spectrum > who would divide us. 標e must confront global confusion by > building enduring new international structures of economic and > political freedom. The collapse of the Cold War order presents > America with an opportunity to reaffirm and safeguard our > interests and values by constructing a new international system > upon a foundation of democracy, free markets and human rights. > > > > A Time for Radical Reform > > These strategies demand political audacity and imagination not > seen in America since Franklin Roosevelt launched the New Deal. > The politics of incrementalism will not suffice. We must embrace > radical reform. We must demonstrate the seriousness of our > purpose by confronting difficult issues such as revamping Social > Security and Medicare; creating an education system for the > Information Age; changing divorce laws to put children first; and > reducing urban poverty through economic empowerment. > > With this Declaration, we have outlined a New Progressive > Politics for the Information Age. In an age of sound bite > politics, a movement of transformative ideas may seem beside the > point. Nothing could be further from the truth. The challenges of > today resemble those of a century ago. And the response we offer > mirrors--in new circumstances--the Progressive movement that > reshaped our politics and renewed our country. > > The ideas we offer here are proposals, not pronouncements; rough > drafts, not finished products. We hope they will serve as a > catalyst and framework for a long overdue national discussion to > move us beyond the sterile left-right debate. We shall seek the > help of leaders from all walks of American life and all political > stripes. Like Progressivism a century ago, the New Progressive > Politics must be the work of many hands. > > The full text (Acrobat format, 435K), is available. The New > Progressive Declaration: A Political Philosophy for the > Information Age can be ordered from our Publications Department > for $6.00 >From DemLeadCounc/ProgPolicyInstitute http://www.dlcppi.org/texts/pflib/progsum.htm A<>E<>R ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + "Believe nothing, no matter where you read it, or who said it, no matter if I have said it, unless it agrees with your own reason and your common sense." --Buddha + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + A merely fallen enemy may rise again, but the reconciled one is truly vanquished. -Johann Christoph Schiller, German Writer (1759-1805) + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + It is preoccupation with possessions, more than anything else, that prevents us from living freely and nobly. -Bertrand Russell + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + "Everyone has the right...to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers." 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