-Caveat Lector-

~~for educational purposes only~~
[Title 17 U.S.C. section 107]

Lincoln's legacy of corruption
By Ilana Mercer


Enron is not the topic of this column – Lincoln is. So why mention
Enron in the same breath? Well, the system of subsidies and
corporate welfare exemplified by the government-Enron incest
is one of the pillars of policy that Lincoln – whose birth was celebrated
yesterday by some – dedicated his life to realizing.

Cretinous commentary in the media notwithstanding, Enron's
entanglement with the state has nothing to do with genuine capitalism.
True capitalism ropes entrepreneurs into the service of only one
master: the consumer. It allows no grants of government privilege,
and it banishes corrupting interference from the political class.

Enron's decline relates to capitalism as Lincoln relates to liberty:
not in the slightest. There is, however, a direct historical link
between Abraham Lincoln and the phenomenon epitomized by
the Enron fiasco. It is this link, among others, that Thomas J.
DiLorenzo's soon-to-be released book, "The Real Lincoln: A
New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary
War," painstakingly traces.

Professor DiLorenzo documents Lincoln's consummate and
unrelenting devotion to the cause of "protectionist tariffs, taxpayer
subsidies … for corporations," and the nationalization of the
money supply, so that governments could "simply print paper
money in order to finance their special-interest subsidies." At
once, it becomes clear that Lincoln's legacy lives on in the ugly
specter of a Congress that uses the Export-Import Bank and the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation as a routine
money-laundering scheme, to hand over taxpayer-funded
subsidies and grants to politically connected corporations.

This is Lincoln's legacy in action.

As DiLorenzo proves, Lincoln's political career was guided by
"The American System," the brainchild of his Whig idol, Henry
Clay. Lincoln wanted to extend to politically favored industries
in the north "legal protection from international competition
through trade tariffs and quotas." There is no better example
of special-interest politics than protectionism and the corporate
welfare schemes that Lincoln championed, where the force of
the law is used to benefit a select group of politicians and their
cronies, at the cost of limited choice and high prices for the
consumer at large.

Lincoln never wavered in this pursuit.

"The American System" had, at its core, a massive consolidation
of power in the hands of a central government. The powers Lincoln
sought were inimical to the Constitution of the founders. To realize
his dream of empire, Lincoln would have to crush any notion of the
Union as a voluntary pact between sovereign states. In fact, the
entire American political history, including the fact that America
was born of secession, would have to be expunged, and secession
tarnished as treason. Lincoln then would proceed to fabricate the
notion that the federal government created the states, when the
opposite was true.

Wait a sec … what about slavery?

No serious historian, says DiLorenzo, would claim that Lincoln
invaded the South to free slaves. In Lincoln's own famous 1862
words: "If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would
do it." Here too, DiLorenzo exposes the Lincoln who could speak
of the natural right to liberty from one corner of his mouth, and
from the other corner express opposition to citizenship for blacks.
Or the Lincoln who never once lent his legendary legal skills to a
runaway slave, but did plead the case of a slave owner. Or the
Lincoln who was devoted to – and attempted to implement – Henry
Clay's colonization ideas, namely the plan to send blacks packing
back to Africa.

If anti-slavery sentiments were his muse, the dissembling Lincoln
never let on until 1854, which is when he began getting religion on
slavery.

Stripped of bafflegab, Lincoln's proclaimed primary objective
was to destroy federalism and states' rights. His victory included
much more than waging a war that killed 620,000 young men.
Lincoln's "achievement" went beyond murdering roughly 50,000
Southern civilians, blacks included. His coward's conquest
transcended the destruction of the Southern economy. Lincoln's
victory is fulsome yet fetid today. It lives on in the unconstitutional,
violent and mob-dominated institution over which President Bush
now smirkingly presides.

Having exposed every dank nook and cranny in Lincoln's putrid
pedigree, DiLorenzo understandably expresses sadness that the
loss of state sovereignty – and by extension, individual sovereignty
over the state – seems not to matter to most Americans.

As fine a Lincoln scholar as he is, DiLorenzo the economist is as
valuable a presence throughout, dissecting for the reader the perverse
incentives and consequent ruinous economic outcomes that Lincoln's
slash-and-burn economic plank of nationalization and nepotism wreaked.

DiLorenzo has harnessed his passion for liberty and truth to give
us a tightly argued, wonderful work.

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