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http://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/
http://msnbc.com/news/190144.asp?cp1=1
http://www.washtimes.com/national/20010918-91529452.htm
http://al-awda.org/
http://www.thisiscyberia.com/NewsCenter/article.asp?ID=196628
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http://www.commondreams.org/views01/0918-07.htm

The Need for Dissent Voices from Britain and the US highlight the
risks of a hasty response by George Monbiot

If Osama bin Laden did not exist, it would be necessary to invent
him.

For the past four years, his name has been invoked whenever a US
president has sought to increase the defense budget or wriggle out
of arms control treaties. He has been used to justify even President
Bush's missile deface program, though neither he nor his associates
are known to possess anything approaching ballistic missile
technology. Now he has become the personification of evil required
to launch a crusade for good:

the face behind the faceless terror.

The closer you look, the weaker the case against Bin Laden becomes.
While the terrorists who inflicted Tuesday's dreadful wound may
have been inspired by him, there is, as yet, no evidence that they
were instructed by him. Bin Laden's presumed guilt appears to rest
on the supposition that he is the sort of man who would have done
it. But his culpability is irrelevant: his usefulness to western
governments lies in his power to terrify. When billions of pounds
of military spending are at stake, rogue states and terrorist
warlords become assets precisely because they are liabilities.

By using Bin Laden as an excuse for demanding new military spending,
weapons manufacturers in America and Britain have enhanced his
iconic status among the disgruntled. His influence, in other words,
has been nurtured by the very industry which claims to possess the
means of stamping him out. This is not the only way in which the
new terrorism crisis has been exacerbated by corporate power. The
lax airport security which enabled the hijackers to smuggle weapons
on to the planes was, for example, the result of corporate lobbying
against the stricter controls the government had proposed.

Now Tuesday's horror is being used by corporations to establish
the preconditions for an even deadlier brand of terror. This week,
while the world's collective back is turned, Tony Blair intends to
allow the mixed oxide plant at Sellafield to start operating. The
decision would have been front-page news at any other time. Now
it's likely to be all but invisible. The plant's operation, long
demanded by the nuclear industry and resisted by almost everyone
else, will lead to a massive proliferation of plutonium, and a high
probability that some of it will find its way into the hands of
terrorists. Like Ariel Sharon, in other words, Blair is using the
reeling world's shock to pursue policies which would be unacceptable
at any other time.

For these reasons and many others, opposition has seldom been more
necessary. But it has seldom been more vulnerable. The right is
seizing the political space which has opened up where the twin
towers of the World Trade Center once stood.

Civil liberties are suddenly negotiable. The US seems prepared to
lift its ban on extra-judicial executions carried out abroad by
its own agents. The CIA might be permitted to employ human rights
abusers once more, which will doubtless mean training and funding
a whole new generation of Bin Ladens. The British government is
considering the introduction of identity cards. Radical dissenters
in Britain have already been identified as terrorists by the
Terrorism Act 2000. Now we're likely to be treated as such.

The authoritarianism which has long been lurking in advanced
capitalism has started to surface. In these pages yesterday, William
Shawcross - Rupert Murdoch's courteous biographer - articulated
the new orthodoxy:

America is, he maintained, "a beacon of hope for the world's poor
and dispossessed and for all those who believe in freedom of thought
and deed". These believers would presumably include the families
of the Iraqis killed by the sanctions Britain and the US have
imposed; the peasants murdered by Bush's proxy war in Colombia;
and the tens of millions living under despotic regimes in the Middle
East, sustained and sponsored by the US.

William Shawcross concluded by suggesting that "we are all Americans
now", an echo of Pinochet's maxim that "we are all Chileans now":
by which he meant that no cultural distinctions would be tolerated
and no indigenous land rights recognized. Shawcross appeared to
suggest that those who question American power are the enemies of
democracy. It's a different way of formulating the warning voiced
by members of the Bush administration: "If you're not with us,
you're against us."

The Daily Telegraph has set aside part of its leader column for a
directory of "useful idiots", by which it means those who oppose
major military intervention. Perhaps the roll of honor will soon
include families of some of the victims, who seem to be rather more
capable of restraint and forgiveness than the leader writers of
the rightwing press.

Mark Newton-Carter, whose brother appears to have died in the
terrorist outrage, told one of the Sunday newspapers: "I think Bush
should be caged at the moment. He is a loose cannon. He is building
up his forces getting ready for a military strike. That is not the
answer. Gandhi said: 'An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind'
and never a truer word was spoken." But when the right is on the
rampage, victims as well as perpetrators are trampled.

Mark Twain once observed that "there are some natures which never
grow large enough to speak out and say a bad act is a bad act,
until they have inquired into the politics or the nationality of
the man who did it". The left is able to state categorically that
Tuesday's terrorism was a dreadful act, irrespective of provenance.
But the right can't bring itself to make the same statement about
Israel's new invasions of Palestine, or the sanctions in Iraq, or
the US-backed terror in East Timor, or the carpet bombing of
Cambodia. Its critical faculties have long been suspended and now,
it demands, we must suspend ours too.

Retaining the ability to discriminate between good acts and bad
acts will become ever harder over the next few months, as new
conflicts and paradoxes challenge our preconceptions. It may be
that a convincing case against Bin Laden is assembled, whereupon
his forced extradition would be justified. But, unless we wish to
help George Bush use barbarism to defend the "civilization" he
claims to represent, we must distinguish between extradition and
extermination.

Tuesday's terror may have signaled the beginning of the end of
globalization. The recession it has doubtless helped to precipitate,
coupled with a new and understandable fear among many Americans of
engagement with the outside world, could lead to a reactionary
protectionism in the US, which is likely to provoke similar responses
on this side of the Atlantic. We will, in these circumstances, have
to be careful not to celebrate the demise of corporate globalization.,
if it merely gives way to something even worse.

The governments of Britain and America are using the disaster in
New York to reinforce the very policies which have helped to cause
the problem:

building up the power of the deface industry, preparing to launch
campaigns of the kind which inevitably kill civilians, licensing
covert action. Corporations are securing new resources to invest
in instability.

Racists are attacking Arabs and Muslims and blaming liberal asylum
policies for terrorism. As a result of the horror on Tuesday, the
right in all its forms is flourishing, and we are shrinking. But
we must not be cowed. Dissent is most necessary just when it is
hardest to voice.

Guardian Newspapers Limited 2001

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