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>From http://www.antiwar.com/justin/justincol.html

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Behind the Headlines
by Justin Raimondo

October 29, 1999
DEFENDING PAT: SMEAR BY HISTORICAL ANALOGY
The smears keep coming – our elites, in media and politics, have whipped
themselves up into such a frenzy about Patrick J. Buchanan that they can hardly
let a day go by without unleashing yet another fusillade. The reason is all too
apparent: for, while there are many conservative politicians of one stripe or
another, and these do not usually fare too well in the liberal media, the
special hatred of PJB and his Buchanan Brigades is reserved for those who dare
to challenge our bipartisan policy of global interventionism. The liberal
elites are willing to forgive or overlook practically anything: you could be a
drunk, a cokehead, or a philanderer of major proportions, but for God's sake
don't let them catch you saying we ought not to expand NATO, don't even think
of saying that we should stop meddling in the Middle East, and please restrain
yourself from questioning the rationale for the Kosovo war. For then the knives
will really come out, and you can expect no mercy.

THE BIRTH OF A GENRE
What is truly astonishing is the sheer volume of literature that this
controversy has generated: what we are seeing is the creation of a whole new
literary genre, the Pat Smear, which seems to be taking the punditocracy by
storm. As the genre has grown, with new works being published every day –
indeed, it often seems like every hour – the phenomenon has evolved into
something more complex. Sub-genres have appeared, variations on the basic theme
of Pat as the reincarnation of Hitler, as the Art of Smearing Pat becomes more
sophisticated and reaches new heights – or is that depths?

THE NEW YORK POST AND THE ART OF SMEARING
My least favorite is the Basic Pat Smear, exemplified by the frothy-mouthed
raving of the New York Post. In style and content, the rantings of editorial
chieftain John Podhoretz and his crew resemble nothing so much as PM, published
by Marshall Fields in the 1930s, the long-defunct left-wing New York City
newspaper which spent much newsprint attacking isolationists – and, not
coincidentally, extolling the virtues of the Soviet Union. With Murdoch's deep
pockets, however – considerably deeper than Fields' – the Post is unfortunately
unlikely to meet a similarly deserved fate anytime in the near future. At any
rate, PM's method was simple: link the America Firsters to Nazism in the
crudest terms imaginable, by simple repetition. Tearing a leaf from the book of
Nazi propaganda as written by Goebbels and Julius Streicher, the idea was to
keep repeating a theme so crudely and relentlessly that it becomes accepted as
"fact" by default. The Post employs this method expertly, and as example of the
Basic Pat Smear we have a veritable masterpiece in the vitriolic Andrea Peyser,
who opines:

"Patrick Buchanan is a Ku Klux Klansman who masks his identity behind a smile
and a wink instead of a hood. He is an urbane Khalid Muhammad, David Duke with
a pedigree. Lately, we've hollered until we're hoarse over the handful of
crazies who've managed to grab the microphone in our midst. In the meantime,
Buchanan – a racist who scapegoats Jews for leading America down a path of
destruction – has been skulking in the daylight of America's mainstream."

WHADDAYA EXPECT?
After wiping the spittle off your face, look at the above paragraph and see how
the Basic Pat Smear operates. First rule: never offer any proof for your basic
thesis. It is a given that Pat is evil incarnate, and any attempt to justify or
offer even a shred of evidence will only hold you back from your main
objective: to smear. Besides, whom are you trying to impress? Do you think a
bunch of college professors are reading a newspaper that is two-fifths gossip,
two-fifths sports, with the rest divvied up between ads and propaganda?

BLINDED BY HATE
What is really amazing about this particular article, aside from the fact that
it manages to use up the entire repertoire of epithets beloved by the Smear Pat
Brigade, is its obliviousness to reality. Blinded by her hate for Pat, her mind
clouded by her own vitriol, Ms. Peyser reveals an astonishing fact, quoting
Anti-Defamation League official Abe Foxman as saying:

"Pat Buchanan is personally responsible for my being appointed to the United
States Holocaust Museum Council. What makes him even more dangerous is that
he's – quote, unquote – 'a nice guy.' Some of his best friends are Jews."

THAT'S GRATITUDE FOR YOU
As an example of how deluded some in the Smear Pat Brigade can get, we are
being asked to believe that Buchanan personally intervening on behalf of Foxman
– when he was being blackballed because he is a Democrat – is evidence of . . .
anti-Semitism! But how on earth can this be? Where oh where is the logic in it?
And how about that for gratitude?! Abe, you oughtta hang your head in shame.

YOU JUST CAN'T WIN
According to Foxman and Peyser, Abe got his dander up over Pat's opposition to
the Gulf War, and wrote him a note about it. "He writes back, 'C'mon, Abe,
don't defend Congress. You know what it's like!'" "He's a nice guy," says
Honest Abe, but this, too, is not good, according to Peyser and Foxman. For it
masks his inner evil. Buchanan, in their eyes, is guilty of the one sin which
cannot be forgiven: he won't apologize for identifying foreign lobbyists as the
spearhead of the effort to drag us into war with Iraq – and exposing their
continuing role as the advance guard of the War Party. And so here's how it
works: it doesn't matter what you've done for Foxman in the past. This doesn't
give you any credit or accumulation of good will. What Abe wants to know is,
what can you do for me today – and if you can't, or won't, then you're an anti-
Semite.

ONLY IN NEW YAWK
The problem with the Post School of Pat Smearing, however, is that it is a
strictly regional phenomenon: after all, where else, outside of New York City,
would Foxman be considered anything other than a complete ingrate? This leaves
the field wide open for various other schools of Pat Smearing, some operating
on a somewhat higher level: no less vicious, but far more subtle. This is
really such a vast topic, that I could not possibly deal with it in a single
column: the inventiveness of the smear artists (some of the best and highest
paid in the business) knows no bounds. Today, however, we will examine what is
to me the most fascinating and exotic sub-genre of Pat Smearing, the Smear by
Historical Analogy School.

THE COUGHLIN ANALOGY
Of course, comparing Pat to Hitler is a really crude sort of historical
analogy. For all those college professors out there, who are not so susceptible
to suggestion as the masses, a more sophisticated analogy is required; and so,
instead of Hitler, Buchanan is compared to lesser-known figures from the same
period, such as the Reverend Charles E. Coughlin. Now, the Coughlin analogy is
not really new: back in 1992, Jacob Weisberg and the editorial writers at The
New Republic really brought the genre to its full development, with scores of
articles in which much was made of the alleged similarities between Buchanan,
the star of Crossfire, and Coughlin, the "radio priest" of the 1930s. But the
analogy is revived each time Buchanan decides it's time to call out his
Brigades and "ride to the sound of the guns" and consequently the genre is
enjoying a revival. The basic line was most recently trotted out by Mark F.
Nolan, a columnist for the Boston Globe, in "The Last Coughlinite" [October 20,
1999], who wrote:

"The pastor from Royal Oak, Mich., and the polemicist from McLean, Va., derived
their fame from the airwaves, not the voters. Their charm and certitude masked
a combativeness that soon degenerated into venomous crankiness. Coughlin was
''the radio priest,'' a star on CBS in its infancy. When Ted Turner was
building CNN, Buchanan was a glib content provider."

THE EMPTY ANALOGY
And so here is what Coughlin and Buchanan have in common: charm, certitude, and
access to a microphone. But so what? Is that it? Notice how vague is the
reader's introduction to the Rev. Charles Coughlin. Like Buchanan, we are told,
he was "venomous." But how? Nolan cites the historian David M. Kennedy as
saying that Coughlin was a "demagogue" who used radio to stand out from among
"the legions of radicals and demagogues and nostrum-mongers and just plain
crackpots who flourished in the heated atmosphere of the Depression." This
quote – the use of the word "radical" – gives us just a small hint of what is
wrong with this line of argument – but how many are likely to follow it up? The
authors of these screeds are omnivorous when it comes to plundering history for
their political purposes. The name of Coughlin is thrown in there, along with
Hitler, Franco, and David Duke, as just another epithet in the arsenal of hate.
But who was Coughlin, and what did he advocate?

A RADICAL NEW DEALER
Charles Coughlin first rose to public notice and political prominence as a
fanatically left-wing supporter of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. He made long,
fervent speeches, with titles like "Roosevelt or Ruin!" and declared to his
growing band of followers that "The New Deal is Christ's Deal." Alan Brinkley,
in Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression
(1982), notes that Coughlin gushed about "how inspiring" it was "to sense the
atmosphere in every member of the [Roosevelt] Government from the head of the
Cabinet down to the lowliest officer!" He was in constant communication with
the White House in the early 1930s, making his last visit there in 1936. While
he denounced Communism, he was in effect a socialist. The platform of
Coughlin's organization, the National Union for Social Justice, advocated
"nationalizing those public resources which by their very nature are too
important to be held in the control of private individuals" and "the
conscription of wealth as well as the conscription of men" in wartime. In a
slogan grown familiar over the years on account of endless repetition by
socialists, Coughlin averred that "I believe in preferring the sanctity of
human rights to the sanctity of property rights." Add to this a guaranteed
annual income, a staunch defense of the National Recovery Act, and vehement
opposition to Prohibition, and you have Coughlin's politics, which were
unmistakably left-wing and generally recognized as such at the time.

A MAN OF THE LEFT
And so here we come into the first big problem with the Coughlin/Buchanan
analogy, and that is that Coughlin came from the far Left – from an explicitly
anti-capitalist albeit entirely homegrown left-wing populism. Coughlin broke
with FDR, not over the war, but because the President failed to enact the
economic revolution promised in his speeches. While praising FDR for "driving
the moneychangers out of the temple" Coughlin was soon disappointed by the fact
that, as he put it, "somehow or other, the cards dealt by the New Deal
contained the same joker, the same hidden cards that were found in the old
deal." To "the disappointment of millions," he averred, "Mr. Roosevelt's
Administration had salvaged private banking and set it upon its feet." ["Two
Years of the New Deal," March 3, 1935.]

MONEY CRANK
The key to understanding Coughlin's thought is in understanding that he was,
more than anything, what is known as a money crank. The program and literature
of the National Union for Social Justice mentions the need for a "government-
owned central bank" as the one key demand of the Coughlinites, and this was the
subject of countless sermons: It seemed to him that the Federal Reserve System,
a system of private banks, was "undemocratic": what he proposed was that the
Board be elected by the people, with one representative from each state.
Coughlin also called for the remonetization of silver and, in effect, for an
inflationary policy, as had the Greenbacks and Populists before him. But what
has any of this got to do with Pat Buchanan, anyway? The answer is: nothing.

GREENSPAN OR GREENBACKS
Unlike Coughlin, Pat never attacked private banking as oppressive per se, and,
last I heard, had yet to come out for the long-lost cause of Free Silver. And
while I am almost sure that Buchanan has his own critique of the Federal
Reserve, it is hard to imagine him calling on Alan Greenspan to stand for
election.

THE "MONEYCHANGERS"
Motivated by his obsessive focus on "the moneychangers," the left-wing Coughlin
became progressively less enamored of his hero, FDR, and began to move in a new
direction. Soon, he was excoriating "the Warburgs and the Kuhn-Loebs" –
although always careful to throw in the occasional reference to "the Morgans"
as the secret manipulators of the nation's misery. Just as, in Germany, many
former members of the Stalinized Communist Party became ardent Nazis, so in the
US a smaller number of leftists moved in the direction of fascism and national
socialism, including Dr. Francis E. Townsend, author of the "Townsend Old Age
Revolving Pension Plan," a leftist nostrum of the day, and Senator Huey Long,
whose base in the Democratic Party for a while threatened to overtake FDR's.
While the ideologically leftist leaders, such as Norman Thomas and the Farmer
Labor Party hierarchy, denounced both Coughlin and Long, as Alan Brinkley
points out they had a very hard time keeping their followers from joining these
"demagogues." Coughlin's demagoguery was none too different from their own.

THE NOLANIZATON OF HISTORY
Nolan, the historical ignoramus, writes that "Coughlinism resonates on every
page of Buchanan's A Republic, Not An Empire, a treatise that tries to make
isolationism not only respectable but mandatory. In his distinctively
argumentative prose, Pat reduces figures in history to stick figures and
hapless ideologues. Henry Clay, welcome to Crossfire." Yet Nolan reduces
Coughlin to a stick figure, giving us almost no solid information except that
the radio priest was anti-Semitic and "isolationist." But Coughlin's
isolationism, as Alan Brinkley points out, was less wedded to a principled
opposition to internationalism than it was, toward the end, by open admiration
for Hitler's Germany and "the corporate state" – in the name of "social
justice," of course. Coughlin was a left-wing priest, who took seriously the
anticapitalist "liberation theology" of his day – Pope Leo XIII's 1891
encyclical, Rerum Novarum, or On the Condition of the Working Class – became a
leading and powerful supporter of the most left-wing President in American
history, and then began to move (with perfect consistency) toward national
socialism.

ANOTHER TRADITION
On the other hand, Buchanan comes from an entirely different tradition, not the
party of FDR but the party of Robert A. Taft and Barry Goldwater (circa 1964).
While Nolan is quick to note that the Union Party platform warned against
"entangling alliances," the original authors of that particular bit of advice
were none other than the Founding Fathers. (The national platforms of the two
major parties also contained similar language, and none were more isolationist
than Roosevelt, who pledged "again and again and again" that "I will not take
your boys into war.") Pat's legacy can be traced back not to the obscure
ramblings of the Radio Priest, but to the prescient insights of the
conservatives and "isolationists" of yesteryear – the men and women of the Old
Right, who fought against Roosevelt and his wartime dictatorship. This is the
heritage we defend, and the Smear Brigade is determined to undermine and
destroy it with such devices as the Coughlin Analogy. What the charlatan
"historians" of Nolan's caliber are depending on is the nearly universal
ignorance of most people on the rather abstruse subject of Father Coughlin. But
even the most casual student of the Radio Priest's life and belief system soon
discovers that, far from being similar, Buchanan and Coughlin are in many ways
opposites: for "the corporate state" is indeed the antipode of the
decentralized, de-federalized America Pat Buchanan envisions.

A SISYPHEAN TASK
But lest anyone be deceived into thinking for a moment that we have exhausted
our critique of the Smear by Historical Analogy has grievously underestimated
the productivity and ingenuity of the Smear Brigade – these guys are nothing if
not prolific. Alas, the hour is late, and there is no time to examine Geoffey
Wheatcroft's screed, "America's Christian Socialist," in the Wall Street
Journal, another major literary factory of Anti-Buchananiana. Wheatcroft's
smear technique is truly innovative, and takes the historical analogist school
of slander one step beyond the Father Coughlin gambit in unearthing an even
more obscure historical figure – none other than Karl Lueger, "the mayor of
Vienna 100 years ago" who was "anticapitalist, antiliberal, and anti-Semitic"!
Good Lord! Is there to be no end to this little game, in which the smear-
mongers cite ever more obscure figures out of their rogues gallery? Is the task
of exploding their lies never done?

WHY THIS IS IMPORTANT – A REMINDER
Well, then, why should anybody care? I have said it before and will say it
again: because this is a test case. The idea is that anyone who is an
"isolationist" (i.e. a non-interventionist) is to be driven out of American
politics, and, not only that, but forever branded as an ideological outlaw, to
be shunned, demonized, and eventually silenced. Whatever disagreements one may
have with Buchanan, all advocates of a peaceful and indeed a rational foreign
policy must certainly agree that this must not be allowed to happen. That is
why I have spent the last few columns on this subject. For all opponents of
war, for leftists, greens, pacifists, and independents, as well as libertarians
and conservative opponents of intervention, the demonization of Buchanan means
the exclusion of all non-interventionists from the public debate over the
foreign policy of our nation. If Buchanan can be exiled to the fever swamps,
and relentlessly smeared for daring to question our policy of global
intervention, then who among us is safe? The concerted attack on Buchanan is
meant to close off the possibility of any meaningful discussion on the most
vital issue of the day: it is meant to clear the decks for the next war, and
nip the opposition in the bud. And that cannot be allowed to happen – not as
long as Antiwar.com holds high the banner of "isolationism" (i.e. peace) in
cyberspace.

Check out Justin Raimondo's article, “China and the New Cold War”
“Behind the Headlines” appears Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, with special
editions as events warrant.

Archived Columns
10/29/99
<<through>>
3/27/99

Justin Raimondo is the editorial director of Antiwar.com. He is also the author
of Reclaiming the American Right: The Lost Legacy of the Conservative Movement
(with an Introduction by Patrick J. Buchanan), (1993), and Into the Bosnian
Quagmire: The Case Against U.S. Intervention in the Balkans (1996). He is an
Adjunct Scholar with the Ludwig von Mises Institute, in Auburn, Alabama, a
Senior Fellow at the Center for Libertarian Studies, and writes frequently for
Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture. He is the author of An Enemy of the
State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard (forthcoming from Prometheus Books).
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>From www.nypost.com/commentary/16913.htm
{{<Begin>}}
BUCHANAN OFFERS U.S. FASCISM WITH A HAPPY FACE
By ANDREA PEYSER

Patrick Buchanan, in his own words:

"Though Hitler was indeed racist and anti-Semitic to the core ... he was also
an individual of great courage, a soldier's soldier in the Great War, a leader
steeped in the history of Europe who possessed oratorical powers that could awe
even those who despised him."
- In the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, Aug. 25, 1977

"Capitol Hill is Israeli-occupied territory."
- On "The McLaughlin Group," Aug. 26, 1990

"I believe Christianity is the true faith."
- On "Good Morning America," Oct. 26, 1999

PATRICK BUCHANAN is a Ku Klux Klansman who masks his identity behind a smile
and a wink instead of a hood.

He is an urbane Khalid Muhammad, David Duke with a pedigree.

Lately, we've hollered until we're hoarse over the handful of crazies who've
managed to grab the microphone in our midst. In the meantime, Buchanan - a
racist who scapegoats Jews for leading America down a path of destruction - has
been skulking in the daylight of America's mainstream.

He may never be elected president. But his insidious rise in stature, despite -
or because of - a consistent record of Jew-bashing and Holocaust denial, is
certain to make a dent in the political process.

It is tempting to dismiss Buchanan as a wacko. But history dictates that we
must expose anti-Semites before their sugar-coated words gain momentum with
those looking for someone to blame for their travails.

How did he get here?

Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League, chuckles
bitterly as he describes how his former "friend" Buchanan slithers into the
good graces of those he despises.

"Pat Buchanan is personally responsible for my being appointed to the United
States Holocaust Museum Council," Foxman says.

"What makes him even more dangerous is that he's - quote, unquote - 'a nice
guy.' Some of his best friends are Jews."

The story goes like this: When Ronald Reagan was president, Foxman was
prevented from being appointed to the museum council because he is a Democrat.
Pat Buchanan - a Reagan adviser - "personally intervened," Foxman said.
"Then later, when he says the Congress is 'Israeli-occupied territory,' I write
him a note to complain.

"He writes back, 'C'mon, Abe, don't defend Congress. You know what it's like!'"
"That's the game he plays. He's a nice guy. In the meantime, he's never
retracted or apologized for statements that were anti-Semitic or racist.
"He's parading not only as a legitimate politician but as a historian and
philosopher - and we're letting him do it."

Pollster John Zogby believes fears of Buchanan's stature are exaggerated.
"Should we be concerned?" Zogby asks. "Yes."

"But the truth is, he is locked somewhere between pathetically marginalized and
politically dead."

But Foxman counters: "David Duke received 700,000 votes when he ran for
governor of Louisiana - and they were not all KKKers, Nazis and anti-Semites.
That was not enough to stop them from pulling that lever."

Pat Buchanan is the pretty face of hate. He makes as articulate a case as any
we've heard in 60 years for the fallacy that Jews are too powerful, too rich or
simply too un-Christian to exist in this nation.

There are great, sweeping tracts of this country where such sentiments aren't
greeted with the same revulsion as they are in New York City. Those places form
his power base.

Make no mistake. Like all professional scapegoaters, Pat Buchanan is out to
help only Pat Buchanan.

The truth must be told.
{{<End>}}

A<>E<>R
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