-Caveat Lector-

>From http://www.jewishworldreview.com/cols/thomas.html

Jewish World Review May 12, 1999 /26 Iyar 5759

Cal Thomas

""What's to go back to, and who will pay to rebuild the houses? If
you guess the American taxpayer in order to save Bill Clinton's
"legacy,'' you would be making a safe bet.""

OAF-ish behavior explains U.S. mistakes

(JWR) ---- (http://www.jewishworldreview.com)
THE MILITARY AIR FORCES assembled to bomb Yugoslavia are known as
Operation Allied Force, acronym OAF, or oaf. An oaf is defined as:
"Originally, an elf's child; a changeling left by fairies or goblins;
hence, a deformed or foolish child; a simpleton; an idiot.''

That about sums up our policy in the matter of the relentless and, so
far, ineffective air attacks on Yugoslavia. Nothing has gone right,
unless you count Jesse Jackson's freelance rescue mission, which the
Clinton administration supposedly opposed.

Our announced goal of stopping Slobodan Milosevic from his ethnic
cleansing of Kosovo has failed. Now we say our policy is to make
Kosovo "safe'' for the return of the refugees, many of whose houses
have been destroyed and whose relatives are dead. What's to go back
to, and who will pay to rebuild the houses? If you guess the American
taxpayer in order to save Bill Clinton's "legacy,'' you would be
making a safe bet.

The bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade was a fiasco. I'm
surprised the president didn't claim that it was a retaliatory strike
for stolen nuclear secrets and the systematic effort by the Chinese
government to influence the 1996 election, which is expected to be
detailed in the soon-to-be released Cox committee report. Why not?
Given Clinton's success at persuading the polled that his motives are
good, even if his actions are not, he could have had those soccer
moms swooning again.

The embassy bombing was first described as an accident and one of the
unfortunate consequences of warfare (though this unfortunate "war''
remains undeclared and a spineless Congress has been unable to come
up with anything remotely approaching leadership on the issue). It
was then said NATO was operating off old and "bad intelligence.'' Bad
intelligence describes the people who conceived and are executing
this unworkable strategy with unwinnable objectives.

<Picture>Apologies were repeatedly offered to China. The Clinton
administration, which has based its domestic strategy on feelings,
apparently can't understand why apologies don't work with Beijing. A
government-sponsored demonstration against the U.S. Embassy put
American ambassador James Sasser and his staff under virtual house
arrest.

Ulysses S. Grant had this view of war: "The art of war is simple
enough. Find out where your enemy is. Get at him as soon as you can.
Strike at him as hard as you can and as often as you can, and keep
moving on.''

Such a philosophy presumes one has the will, the expertise and the
proper implements to wage war successfully. In the case of the
Clinton administration, there is no vision, save a '60s-generation
"one-world'' mentality; our military is as weak as, or weaker than,
during the Carter years; our intelligence capabilities may not have
been this poor since Sen. Frank Church's committee began dismantling
the CIA in the '70s; and the doctrine of Colin Powell, so successful
in the Gulf War, has been replaced by an air war conceived in error
and carried out with the same goals as a video game -- no combat
deaths, no injuries and, depending on the results, the presumption
that something significant has been won or that nothing important has
been lost.

The only way to keep Milosevic from killing more innocent people is
to remove him and his friends from office by force. Doing that will
require sending massive numbers of ground troops, which President
Clinton knows he cannot afford to do. Remember, he let his fellow
Americans go to Vietnam and get killed while kept himself safe for
the presidency.

The cost of this administration will be paid on an installment plan
over many years. More than our defense and intelligence capabilities
will have to be rebuilt when Clinton finally leaves office. American
credibility and prestige will also have to be repaired. The
credibility and prestige part might not take long if our next
president has integrity. The rest will take longer and cost a lot of
money.

But that's what happens when we elect and maintain an oaf in office.
<Picture>
<Picture>
<Picture: Up>


I05/07/99: Israel's high-stakes election
05/04/99: Jeb Bush chooses to save kids, not institutions
04/26/99: Surrendering our civilization
04/26/99: War abroad, war at home
04/22/99: Those wild and crazy (Democrat) tax-cutters
04/16/99: Bubba’s contemptible behavior
04/14/99:Elizabeth Dole's choice
04/09/99: The taxman cometh
04/05/99: MEMO: MAKE LOVE AND WAR -- AND KEEP IT SIMPLE
03/30/99: Human-rights terror in China
03/25/99: Yasser Arafat:
bad cop, worse cop
03/23/99: Bubba’s multiplied lies
03/18/99: Reinventing AlGore
03/16/99:Americans get bull while China shops
03/12/99: Bill Lan Lee: Flouting the law
03/09/99: Don't worry about your child, be happy
03/08/99:The ‘lady' is a tramp
03/04/99: Proving myself to President Clinton
02/24/99: New slaves to a new slavery
02/22/99: Character-plus
02/19/99: GOP losers tell winner how to win
02/17/99: The Clinton legacy
02/10/99: More a man, less a president


©1999, LA TimesSyndicate


>From www.spintechmag.com/

<<Parts one, two, and three at site>>

SpinTech: May 12, 1999
<Picture>

NATO: Beyond Collective Defense, Part Four
NATO's Hypocritical Kings
by Steve Farrell

Edmund Burke said of the justness of the American Revolution, that it
sought not to overthrow the wisdom of the ages, but rather to build a
more glorious structure upon its foundation. Our Constitution’s
rejection of Kings, and what John Locke described as the King’s
“divine prerogative,” to wage war, are two of the finer improvements
the founders gave us to secure liberty.

Yet today, we are confronted with the reality that we now have a
President and his comrades at NATO, who stand accused of exercising
this “dearest prerogative of kings,” on a sovereign nation which has
fired no shot across the bow at them - for two very unjust reasons.

First, from the perspective of our would-be-king, an attempt to
distract attention, once again, from another embarrassing
investigation - this one exploring what has been described as
“treasonous” aid to China; and second, from the perspective of NATO’s
would-be-kings, an effort to launch NATO into the 21st century as a
key player in the emerging international order. The latter, Clinton
and Blair have said, is the “top reason NATO must win in Kosovo.”

Who can doubt that these are the real reasons we are at war? Take
Bill Clinton, for instance. Does any one really believe he lies
sleepless at night worrying about ethnic cleansing and the raping of
Kosovo’s women, as a recent article in Time magazine suggested?

It was he, after all, who justified human rights violations in China
by comparing them with our own deficiencies.

It was he, who stands accused of receiving campaign donations
(bribes) from Red China in exchange for Top Secret information and
technology, which has, in turn, put US citizens at risk from nuclear
and biological war.

It was he, who deemed it moral to “reserve judgement,” after Russia
literally leveled an entire village in Chechnya, since, said Clinton,
“I wasn’t there,”

It was he, who then secured a multibillion dollar loan for these “ex-
Soviets” - now Russians - to finish the job.

It was he, who has consistently stood behind the terrorist
Palestinian Liberation Army in its quest to surround and finally
conquer Israel.

It was he, who brazenly categorized the BATF assault on a church,
which murdered men, women, and children at Waco, as justifiable.

It was he, who successfully promoted as a constitutional right the
slaughter of the innocent through partial birth abortions.

And it is he, who still stands accused of numerous accounts of sexual
harassment and rape.

Are these the makings of one who lies sleepless at night worrying
about peoples liberties and moral sanctity?

And what about - British Prime Minister Tony Blair? Wasn’t it he, who
during his watch as Prime Minister, stood gleefully by as Hong Kong
slipped out of British hands into the clutch of Red China?

Wasn’t it he, who didn’t raise so much as an eyebrow in protest, as
China - for up to a year prior to the transfer - aggressively reneged
on its promises to secure democracy and free enterprise for 50 years
in Hong Kong?

Wasn’t it he, who looked the other way as Red China assigned Beijing
“advisors” to newspapers and private companies in Hong Kong, who
looked the other way as Red China confiscated Hong Kong businessmen’s
holdings in China because they dared to object to some of the
changes, who looked the other way as China forbade outside investment
in Hong Kong’s telecommunications market, and who looked the other
way even as China disbanded the legislature and then stripped voting
franchise to a very small fraction of the people?

And isn’t it Tony Blair who has continued the English “ethnic
cleansing” of the Catholic Irish Republican Army?

One wonders if NATO will be bombing London also?

The hypocrisy shows, and so who can believe we are in Kosovo to bring
an end to moral cleansing and to usher in an era of democracy in
Yugoslavia?

Common sense bears witness that the mixture of Clinton’s scandal
cover-up and Clinton and Blair’s new world imperialism are the real
reason we have waged an unprovoked war on a sovereign nation?

It is dumbfounding then, that Congress has not yet brought our
President, Prime Minister Blair, and NATO back down to earth. Acting
like Kings, NATO’s rulers speak in terms of “how dare they,” of those
who would question the morality of their bombing civilians in Kosovo.
But since they have gone to war without our consent and have trashed
the rules of sovereignty in favor of some utopian vision of a new
world order, perhaps, “How dare you,” is what should we should say to
NATO.

Read Part One of this series
Read Part Two of this series
Read Part Three of this series

------
Steve Farrell is a Ph.D. candidate in Constitutional Law at George
Wythe College. His regular column is Constitutionally Yours.

Copyright 1999 Steve Farrell.



>From http://www.fair.org/press-releases/kosovo-solution.html

FAIR  Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting     130 W. 25th Street   New
York, NY 10001
Media Advisory:
WAS A PEACEFUL KOSOVO SOLUTION REJECTED BY U.S.?

Contact: Steve Rendall

May 14, 1999

Since the beginning of the NATO attack on Yugoslavia, the war has
been presented by the media as the consequence of Yugoslavia's
stubborn refusal to settle for any reasonable peace plan--in
particular its rejection of plans for an international security force
to implement a peace plan in Kosovo.

An article in the April 14 New York Times stated that Yugoslavian President Milosevic 
"has absolutely refused to entertain an outside force in Kosovo, arguing that the 
province is sovereign territory of Serbia and Yugosla
via."

Negotiations between the Serb and Albanian delegations at the Rambouillet meeting in 
France ended with Yugoslavia's rejection of the document that had been adopted, after 
much prodding, by the Kosovo Albanian party.

But is that the whole story?

There were two parts to the peace proposals: a political agreement on autonomy for 
Kosovo; and an implementation agreement on how to carry out the political 
deal--usually understood to require international peacekeepers i
n Kosovo.

By the end of the first round of Rambouillet in February, the Serb side had agreed to 
the essentials of a political deal. Agence France Presse (2/20/99) quoted a U.S. 
official as saying that the "political part" of a peac
e accord "is almost not a problem, while the implementation part has been reconsidered 
many times."

The U.S. wanted the Kosovo plan to be implemented by NATO troops under a NATO command, 
and had already made plans for a 28,000-troop force. The Yugoslavian leadership was 
opposed to the idea, claiming such an arrangement
would amount to a foreign occupation of Kosovo by hostile forces.

On February 20, the Russian ITAR-TASS news agency reported from Rambouillet that 
unnamed "Contact Group members may offer, as a compromise, Milosevic an option under 
which a multinational force will be deployed under the
U.N. or the OSCE flag rather than the NATO flag as was planned before."

Agence France Presse reported the same day that the Serb delegation "showed signs that 
it might accept international peacekeepers on condition that they not be placed under 
NATO command" and added that the head of the Ser
b delegation "insisted that the peacekeepers answer to a non-military body such as the 
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe…or the United Nations." A U.S. 
official confirmed this to AGP: "The discussions ar
e on whether it should be a UN or OSCE force," the official said.

The next day, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright declared: "We accept nothing less 
than a complete agreement, including a NATO-led force." Asked on CNN the same day: 
"Does it have to be [a] NATO-led force, or as some h
ave suggested, perhaps a UN-led force or an OSCE…force? Does it specifically have to 
be NATO-run?" she replied, "The United States position is that it has to be a NATO-led 
force. That is the basis of our participation in
it."

Two days later, Albright repeated this position at a press conference: "It was asked 
earlier, when we were all together whether the force could be anything different then 
a NATO-led force. I can just tell you point blank
from the perspective of the United States, absolutely not, it must be a NATO-led 
force."

Over the next month, this position was repeated countless times with increasing 
vehemence by State Department officials. Furthermore, the U.S. refused to allow the 
Serbs to sign the political agreement until they first ag
reed to a NATO-led force to implement it.

"The Serbs have been acting as if there are two documents but they can't pick and 
choose," Albright said (AGP, 3/13/99). "There is no way to have the political document 
without the implementation force that has to be NATO
-led…. If they are not willing to engage on the military and police chapters, there is 
no agreement."

Finally, on March 23, the day before the NATO bombing began, Ambassador Richard 
Holbrooke met with Milosevic one last time to deliver his ultimatum: Sign the 
agreement or be bombed. The response was delivered that night b
y the Serbian parliament, which adopted resolutions again rejecting the military 
portion of the accords, but expressing willingness to review the "range and character 
of an international presence" in Kosovo.

At a March 24 State Department press briefing, spokesman James Rubin was asked about 
this development:




QUESTION: Was there any follow-up to the Serbian Assembly's yesterday? They had a 
two-pronged decision. One was to not allow NATO troops to come in; but the second part 
was to say they would consider an international forc
e if all of the Kosovo ethnic groups agreed to some kind of a peace plan. It was an 
ambiguous collection of resolutions. Did anybody try to pursue that and find out what 
was the meaning of that?

RUBIN: Ambassador Holbrooke was in Belgrade, discussed these matters extensively with 
President Milosevic, left with the conclusion that he was not prepared to engage 
seriously on the two relevant subjects. I think the de
cision of the Serb Parliament opposing military-led implementation was the message 
that most people received from the parliamentary debate. I'm not aware that people saw 
any silver linings.

QUESTION: But there was a second message, as well; there was a second resolution.

RUBIN: I am aware that there was work done, but I'm not aware that anybody in this 
building regarded it as a silver lining.






In other words, the State Department was aware that the Serbs had once again expressed 
openness to an "international presence," but this was not seen as a "silver lining," 
apparently because only a NATO force was acceptab
le to the U.S.

In an intriguing corollary to the insistence on NATO forces, the Pentagon's 1994-1999 
Defense Planning Guidance report advises that the United States "must seek to prevent 
the emergence of European-only security arrangeme
nts which would undermine NATO…. Therefore, it is of fundamental importance to 
preserve NATO as the primary instrument of Western defense and security, as well as 
the channel for U.S. influence and participation in Europe
an security affairs."

This whole subject seems to have escaped the interest of the major media.

Those who support the bombing of Yugoslavia argue that the motives are humanitarian 
and that all peaceful options for arriving at a settlement in Kosovo had been 
exhausted. Journalists need to do more reporting on the Ram
bouillet process to see if that in fact was the case.
------------------------------------------------------------------------


This media advisory was written by FAIR media analyst Seth Ackerman.
------------------------------------------------------------------------


More on Yugoslavia

Read the the Rambouillet Agreement
----------------------------------------------------------------------
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