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Silenced: Flight 800 and the subversion of justice, part 1

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Editor's note: On the evening of July 17, 1996, at 8:19 p.m., TWA Flight 800,
a Boeing 747, took off from Kennedy Airport, bound for Paris. At 8:31 p.m.,
over 730 people watched Flight 800 explode, killing all 230 of the people
aboard.

Not long afterwards, millions of Americans watched their televisions in
fascinated horror as search and rescue crews looked for survivors among the
flaming debris. Only dead bodies were recovered.

Flight 800 is mostly an ugly memory for people these days. The U.S.
government issued an explanation that a fuel tank had somehow exploded. Yet,
they flatly denied any evidence existed of foul play, including the
possibility that Flight 800 had been blown out of the air by a missile.

All but a few journalists accepted the government's version of events. Few
bothered to investigate the numerous eyewitnesses, the radar records and the
physical evidence that all suggested a strikingly different explanation of
Flight 800's untimely demise. And those few who did question the government's
version were made to look like fools or, worse, thrown in jail and prosecuted
as criminals for meddling in an official investigation.

What really happened to Flight 800? In light of recent FBI disclosures of
buried evidence that have resulted in a postponement of the execution of
convicted Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, new questions are being
raised about other high-profile U.S. government terrorism investigations –
including the explosion of TWA Flight 800 in 1996.

Today, WorldNetDaily begins a daily five-part series of explosive
commentaries by independent writer and Emmy-award-winning producer Jack
Cashill detailing what he has learned in the course of producing "Silenced:
Flight 800 and The Subversion of Justice," a documentary video which presents
compelling evidence that Flight 800 was indeed shot down by missile fire and
of the massive cover-up that followed that tragic event by the federal
government.

Our dark places

"You don't want to go there, Jack."

I do not know how clichés emerge, but this one seems to have my name on it. I
have heard it said in recent weeks more times than I could count or care to
recall.

Not from my liberal friends. Willfully clueless the past eight years, these
folks have not even heard of, say, Juanita Broaddrick or the Sudanese aspirin
factory. Were I to tell them that the Clinton White House covered up a
missile strike on an American airline off the coast of Long Island, and that
I was producing a documentary about the same, they would think me daft.

My conservative friends, on the other hand, don't think me daft at all. Most
of them believe Clinton corrupt enough to attempt a crime of this magnitude,
and half of them think him capable. It is they who don't want me "to go
there."

"What if all evidence leads in that direction?" I ask.

It doesn't seem to matter. Like Conrad's Marlow, these otherwise rational
Main Streeters seem "unnerved by a sheer blank fright, pure abstract terror."
I wish I were overstating the problem, but I am not.

Too many ordinary citizens have reconciled themselves to an enduring heart of
American darkness, one that can swallow reputations and bank accounts whole
and possibly even lives. "Look what they did to Pierre Salinger." And it is
to these dark places they don't want me to go – even if Clinton no longer
mans the gate.

Kelly Creech, my editor on this project, still chuckles when he thinks of my
involvement. A Kennedy assassination buff (a troubling zeugma if there ever
was one), he has tried to convince me for years of the dark forces that
conspired to murder JFK. Something of an idealist, or perhaps just a naïf, I
have continued to insist on Lee Harvey Oswald alone, though lately with less
vigor. Kelly has been amused to see how this project has opened my eyes. He
is eager for the voyage.

So is my intrepid guide, James Sanders. Jim has journeyed up this river
before. It cost him everything but his life. Indeed, after writing the
best-seller, "The Downing of TWA Flight 800," he and wife Liz were arrested
and convicted of conspiracy, a sad moment in journalism history, all the more
shameful for its obscurity. Still, this good-hearted pair of felons remains
undeterred – even the sweet, fragile Liz, a former TWA attendant and trainer,
whose search for vindication subverts her need for peace.

For all their travails, the Sanders will stay the course. Like me, they
believe that the White House has been cleansed with Clinton's removal, but
not redeemed. Redemption will come not by "moving on" but by "going there"
wherever it is the truth takes us, no matter how disturbing that truth might
be.

First impressions

On the evening of July 17, 1996, at 8:19 p.m., TWA Flight 800, a Boeing 747,
took off from Kennedy Airport bound for Paris.

It headed east without incident in fair skies along the south coast of Long
Island. About 8:30 p.m., Mike Wire, a millwright from Philadelphia, saw a
streak of light rise up from behind a Westhampton house and head south,
southeast away from shore.

At the same time, Dwight Brumley, a senior Navy NCO on board US Air Flight
217, watched a streak of light rise up towards his plane before leveling off
and heading north, towards Long Island.

Lisa Perry, from her Fire Island deck, and Paul Angelides from his on
Westhampton, both followed the southbound streak towards east-bound Flight
800 and then each saw the northbound streak rise off the horizon at the last
moment.

At 8:31 p.m., FAA radar operators out of Islip (on Long Island) saw an
unknown object rise up and merge with Flight 800. This, they reported to the
highest authorities. National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) Chairman Jim
Hall acknowledged as much in a November, 1996, memo. He wrote:


Top intelligence and security officials were told in a video conference from
the White House Situation Room that radar tapes showed an object headed at
the plane before it exploded.


At the same moment FAA radar picked up something else unusual – a ship of
good size nearly right under Flight 800's final airborne position.

At 8:31 p.m., Wire, Perry, Brumley, Angelides and at least 732 others watched
Flight 800 explode catastrophically, killing all 230 of the people aboard.

But the ship turned tail and fled the scene at 30 knots. Says Cmdr. Bill
Donaldson, USN retired, "They ran from one of the greatest disasters in
history. You don't do that at sea."

In those first few chaotic hours after the crash, all leads pointed in one
direction, but for reasons still uncertain, no one in official Washington
wanted "to go there."

Second thoughts

After the crash, thousands of workers made a great, good faith effort to
redeem the bodies and to retrieve the wreckage. But not everyone.

Although empowered by Congress to take charge of such scenes (Title 49
U.S.C.), the NTSB failed to do so. The U.S. Justice Department would not
permit it. U.S. Attorney Valerie Caproni descended upon the site, FBI in tow,
and forcefully shut down the NTSB investigation. By law, The FBI could only
seize control if they declared the crash a crime scene. This, they did not
do, and never would.

According to The New York Times, senior NTSB officials were furious. In times
past, the NTSB might have resisted. Not in 1996. Three years prior, President
Clinton neutered this once proud agency when he named attorney Jim Hall, an
old Gore crony from Tennessee, first to the NTSB board and quickly to its
chair. Hall's best qualification – said the Washington Post in an unkind cut
– was his "driver's license."

The FBI would not let the NTSB interview eyewitnesses, not even Major Fritz
Meyer, an Air National Guard pilot who stared the explosion in its face from
his helicopter above Long Island. "The FBI forbade it," Meyer was told by an
NTSB investigator – and old Vietnam buddy – who had been hoping to interview
him for six months.

The FBI, however, showed curiously little interest in what some key witnesses
had to say. Save in rare instances, they fixed no positions and took no sight
lines. As Meyer relates, he went to an FBI trailer to give his testimony.
When he arrived, he found five agents sitting around, talking. They picked
the junior man to interview him. The interview lasted about five minutes.

"He wrote nothing down," says Meyer. "That was my sole interview with the
FBI." And Meyer is arguably the most critical of all witnesses.

Another key witness, Dwight Brumley on board US Air Flight 217, lodged a
similar complaint. Despite his military training – he was an active master
chief in the U.S. Navy at the time of the crash – his unique vantage point
and his expertise in understanding relative bearing and true bearing, no one
with any aviation experience ever talked to him. He too had one cursory FBI
interview.

One month after the crash the FBI ceased interviews altogether. Not a single
interview took place for nearly two months. Since then, the FBI has
re-interviewed fewer than 2 percent of the witnesses. Why the lack of
interest? As the world would learn only later, there was presumably "no
physical evidence" to back up testimony of a missile strike.

At the beginning of the final NTSB hearing four years after the crash, Jim
Hall made this quite clear, "Let me state unequivocably," he said, stumbling
over the word "unequivocably" and meaning, one guesses, "unequivocally," "the
safety board has found no evidence of a bomb or missile strike." As if by
rote, several other witnesses made the identical point.

Only one problem. The authorities were slighting or suppressing talk of a
missile long before the physical evidence was collected and reconstructed.
Says Liz Sanders, then on active duty with TWA as a trainer: "That was the
part that bothered everyone. Within days, all of a sudden you heard nothing
about missiles."

The FBI initially favored a bomb. "Prime Evidence Found That Device Exploded
in Cabin of Flight 800" read a New York Times headline a month after the
crash. According to the article, the FBI lab had found traces of PETN on the
plane.

A bomb?

The critical observer has to ask himself at this point, why a bomb? Why not a
missile? PETN is an explosive common to both bombs and missiles. Why, through
a pattern of leaks and public statements, did the FBI steer the public
towards a bomb? No physical evidence suggested a bomb over a missile. None of
the over 730 eyewitnesses implied a bomb. No radar or sound or flight
recorder data said, "bomb."

Why a bomb?

The FBI did not seem eager to learn otherwise. In a later report, the
International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAMAW)
complained bitterly, "We feel that our expertise was unwelcome and not wanted
by the FBI. … The threats made during the first two weeks of the
investigation were unwarranted and unforgettable."

Threats? Why threats?

Was the FBI sincere about its bomb theory? During this same period, its
agents were very quietly trawling for "debris" in a 2.7 NM radius area
largely north and west of the flight path where no debris was likely to be
found (since wind and currents were generally moving in a southward
direction). This was, however, the most likely site for a missile launch pad.
Was the purpose to find evidence or to assure that no one else would? The
trawling lasted six months.

An encounter with the assistant FBI director in charge of the investigation
led Marge Gross, a TWA attendant whose brother was killed in the crash, to
doubt the FBI's sincerity. As Gross would retell the story at the National
Press Club, she heard a reporter yell out to Jim Kallstrom, "You can't tell
me it was anything but a missile that took that plane down." According to
Gross, Kallstrom shot back just as quickly. "You're right, but if you quote
me, I'll deny it."

For its part, the NTSB officially argued for mechanical failure virtually
from day one. As Liz Sanders notes, "All of a sudden you're hearing
mechanical, mechanical, mechanical." And at that time, adds Liz, "They didn't
have the mock-up – nothing."

Within months, the NTSB went on record favoring an explosion of fuel vapor in
the center wing tank. The public debate – spurred on by a media either too
corrupt or too complicit to care – was now between bomb and mechanical. This
false dialectic troubled many inside the investigation. One of them, 747
pilot and manager Terrel Stacey, shared his concerns with investigative
reporter Jim Sanders. It would cost them both dearly.

Damage control


We are certainly fortunate to live in a country where we have a free media
and a free press.

-- Jim Hall, NTSB Chairman, at the August 22, 2000 Flight 800 hearing.


I used to challenge Kelly Creech, my editor, with one particular question –
if so many people knew what really happened in Dallas, why hasn't anyone come
forward? But after eight years of observing the Clinton White House, I have
ceased to wonder. With a compliant media, an administration can suppress
dissent and demonize dissenters without breaking a sweat – even in this age
of the Internet.

In the case of Flight 800, people did come forward. It's just that almost no
one has wanted to hear them. As activist Marge Gross observes, "I'm treated
as an oddball, a freak, I'm treated as someone overcome with grief who
doesn't know what she's doing."

Gross' treatment is hardly unique. Instructive in the ways of Clintonian
Washington is the case of Kelly Patricia O'Meara. In 1997 the NTSB had
quietly released new radar data showing a large number of radar blips moving
in unison between 22 and 35 miles south of the crash site. This piqued
O'Meara's interest. A reporter for The Washington Times' Insight Magazine,
O'Meara interviewed NTSB managing director Peter Goelz and asked him what the
data meant and why it had not surfaced before.

O'Meara had no sooner left his office, however, than Goelz called Howard
Kurtz of the rival Washington Post to plant a story defaming her. Kurtz would
quote Goelz as saying "She really believes that the United States Navy shot
this thing down and there was a fleet of warships."



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Jack Cashill's stunning documentary video, "Silenced: Flight 800 and The
Subversion of Justice," is available only through WorldNetDaily's online store



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