-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

22 January 2000
Source: Hardcopy The New York Times Book Review, January 23, 2000, p.22



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Death Factories
A history of germ warfare and America's involvement in it.

THE BIOLOGY OF DOOM
The History of America's Secret Germ Warfare Project.
By Ed Regis.
259 pp. New York: Henry Holt & Company. $25.

By Timothy Naftali

Timothy Naftali is director of the Presidential Recordings Project at the
University of Virginia's Miller Center of Public Affairs. He is working on a
history of American counterespionage during World War II and the cold war.
THE impure salts that turned Dr. Henry Jekyll into Mr. Edward Hyde did not
prescribe themselves. In Robert Louis Stevenson's famous story, it is the
scientist and not science that is the villain. "Man is not truly one," the
doomed Jekyll lamented, "but truly two." Real-life Dr. Jekylls lurk in the
background of Ed Regis' "Biology of Doom: The History of America's Secret
Germ Warfare Project." The science behind biological warfare is the evil flip
side of the search for vaccines and cures. Military use of pathogens is as
old as human conflict. But it is in the 20th century that biological warfare
became an industry.

For once the Nazis are not primarily to blame. It was imperial Japan that
inspired the modern biological arms race. In 1938, Japanese scientists began
moving into Ping Fan, a walled city 20 miles south of Harbin in occupied
China. Within two years, the Anti-Epidemic Water Supply and Purification
Bureau, or Unit 731, employed 3,000 people at scores of laboratories. At Ping
Fan, Japanese scientists pioneered the mass production of pathogens and
worked on delivery mechanisms. By October 1940, Japanese planes dropped a
mixture of grains and fleas over Chinese towns, causing two major outbreaks
of bubonic plague south of Shanghai.

The British, concerned that whatever Tokyo could do Berlin could do better,
were the first to try to set up a biological warfare program of their own. In
December 1941 they acquired Gruinard Island in the Scottish highlands and
over the next few years dropped bombs filled with anthrax spores over the
heads of oblivious sheep, who then died as expected. As in many other areas
of modern national defense -- intelligence gathering, commando operations --
the Americans started behind the British, learned from them and because of
huge national resources ultimately surpassed them. But it was the cold war,
and fears of Soviet biological weapons, not World War II, that gave rise to
an American biological arsenal. And once again the Japanese played a
significant role. There were rumors that the scientists at Ping Fan had
experimented on human beings, and in 1947 the Soviets exerted pressure on the
United States to put them on trial. Maj. Gen. Shiro Ishii, whom American
intelligence had found living under an assumed name in Japan, finally
admitted his crimes.

In all, Unit 731 killed about 850 "patients." "The human subjects," one
American study later concluded "were used in exactly the same manner as other
experimental animals." The Japanese discovered, for instance, that if you put
10 people in a room infested with 20 plague-bearing fleas per square meter, 4
would die of plague. Anthrax had a better mortality rate (80 percent to 90
percent, Ishii said) but the plague diffused better. The most frightening
agent the Japanese tested was Songo fever, like Ebola, the star of "The Hot
Zone," a hemorrhagic fever.

"The Biology of Doom" is thought-provoking in spite of itself. Regis' goal
seems to be to disprove Soviet and Chinese claims that the United States used
biological weapons in the Korean War. In this he succeeds. As this
institutional history shows, the United States acquired an operational
biological weapons capacity only after the end of the Korean War. The United
States Air Force included a biological warfare annex to its plans for general
war as early as 1950; but until 1954, it did not have the refrigeration
capability, let alone enough of any kind of bug, to perform this feat
anywhere. The Army, meanwhile, completed its first biological production
plant only in December 1953. Nor has any researcher yet found tactical plans
for biological warfare in the Far East in the 1950's. In fact, Regis says,
there is no evidence of any American military use of biological weapons in
the cold war; work to perfect them continued until late 1969, when President
Richard Nixon ordered a halt.

Regis, the author of four previous books, including "Who Got Einstein's
Office?," understands the critical difference between plans and operations.
But in focusing on what the United States did not do in battle, he misses the
larger implications of his story. Shiro Ishii and his associates received
immunity from prosecution in return for giving the United States Army 15,000
slides of specimens from more than 500 human cases of diseases caused by
biological agents, and in the 1950's and 60's, the government sponsored
covert tests, using the apparently harmless microbes Serratia marcescens (SM)
and Bacillus globigii (BG), to simulate the spread of deadly anmrax over
large populations. In April 1950, two Navy ships -- without, it seems, the
knowledge of Congress -- sprayed the residents of the Virginia coastal
communities of Norfolk, Hampton and Newport News with BG. Later that year,
800,000 people around San Francisco Bay were exposed to clouds of these
microbes. Regis found evidence of 200 similar tests all over the country. In
the most bizarre, in June 1966, soldiers in plain clothes dropped light bulbs
filled with BG on New York City subway tracks, and the trains pulled the
cloud of biological agents throughout the subway system. Then men with
suitcase samplers strolled among unsuspecting New York subway riders to test
the amount of spread.

Arguably, these were defensive operations to determine the vulnerability of
American cities to attack. Regis also describes how human beings were also
used to test offensive agents. Between 1955 and 1969, 2,200 Seventh-day
Adventists in the American military volunteered to be infected with scores of
diseases from equine encephalitis to Rocky Mountain spotted fever. "The type
of voluntary service which is being offered to our boys," the Army sponsors
wrote, "offers an excellent opportunity for these young men to render a
service which will be of value not only to military medicine but to public
health generally."

It is customary to blame governments for these industries of death. But one
also has to wonder about the individual scientists. A compelling book, for
which Regis did the research, would have examined the morality and
motivations of the men behind biological weapons. Henry Jekyll blamed
self-indulgence for the shipwreck of his life. What prompted these American
scientists to feed the Hydes of their souls?

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