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http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/0117-11.htm

The Coming Wars
What the Pentagon Can Now Do in Secret

by Seymour Hersh


George W. Bushs relection was not his only victory last fall. The
President and his national-security advisers have consolidated control
over the military and intelligence communities strategic analyses and
covert operations to a degree unmatched since the rise of the post-Second
World War national-security state. Bush has an aggressive and ambitious
agenda for using that controlagainst the mullahs in Iran and against
targets in the ongoing war on terrorismduring his second term. The C.I.A.
will continue to be downgraded, and the agency will increasingly serve, as
one government consultant with close ties to the Pentagon put it, as
facilitators of policy emanating from President Bush and Vice-President
Dick Cheney. This process is well under way.

Despite the deteriorating security situation in Iraq, the Bush
Administration has not reconsidered its basic long-range policy goal in
the Middle East: the establishment of democracy throughout the region.
Bushs relection is regarded within the Administration as evidence of
Americas support for his decision to go to war. It has reaffirmed the
position of the neoconservatives in the Pentagons civilian leadership who
advocated the invasion, including Paul Wolfowitz, the Deputy Secretary of
Defense, and Douglas Feith, the Under-secretary for Policy. According to a
former high-level intelligence official, Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld met with the Joint Chiefs of Staff shortly after the election and
told them, in essence, that the naysayers had been heard and the American
people did not accept their message. Rumsfeld added that America was
committed to staying in Iraq and that there would be no second-guessing.

This is a war against terrorism, and Iraq is just one campaign. The Bush
Administration is looking at this as a huge war zone, the former
high-level intelligence official told me. Next, were going to have the
Iranian campaign. Weve declared war and the bad guys, wherever they are,
are the enemy. This is the last hurrahweve got four years, and want to
come out of this saying we won the war on terrorism.

Bush and Cheney may have set the policy, but it is Rumsfeld who has
directed its implementation and has absorbed much of the public criticism
when things went wrongwhether it was prisoner abuse in Abu Ghraib or lack
of sufficient armor plating for G.I.s vehicles in Iraq. Both Democratic
and Republican lawmakers have called for Rumsfelds dismissal, and he is
not widely admired inside the military. Nonetheless, his reappointment as
Defense Secretary was never in doubt.

Rumsfeld will become even more important during the second term. In
interviews with past and present intelligence and military officials, I
was told that the agenda had been determined before the Presidential
election, and much of it would be Rumsfelds responsibility. The war on
terrorism would be expanded, and effectively placed under the Pentagons
control. The President has signed a series of findings and executive
orders authorizing secret commando groups and other Special Forces units
to conduct covert operations against suspected terrorist targets in as
many as ten nations in the Middle East and South Asia.

The Presidents decision enables Rumsfeld to run the operations off the
booksfree from legal restrictions imposed on the C.I.A. Under current law,
all C.I.A. covert activities overseas must be authorized by a Presidential
finding and reported to the Senate and House intelligence committees. (The
laws were enacted after a series of scandals in the nineteen-seventies
involving C.I.A. domestic spying and attempted assassinations of foreign
leaders.) The Pentagon doesnt feel obligated to report any of this to
Congress, the former high-level intelligence official said. They dont even
call it covert opsits too close to the C.I.A. phrase. In their view, its
black reconnaissance. Theyre not even going to tell the cincsthe regional
American military commanders-in-chief. (The Defense Department and the
White House did not respond to requests for comment on this story.)

In my interviews, I was repeatedly told that the next strategic target was
Iran. Everyone is saying, You cant be serious about targeting Iran. Look
at Iraq, the former intelligence official told me. But they say, Weve got
some lessons learnednot militarily, but how we did it politically. Were
not going to rely on agency pissants. No loose ends, and thats why the
C.I.A. is out of there.

For more than a year, France, Germany, Britain, and other countries in the
European Union have seen preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon as
a race against timeand against the Bush Administration. They have been
negotiating with the Iranian leadership to give up its nuclear-weapons
ambitions in exchange for economic aid and trade benefits. Iran has agreed
to temporarily halt its enrichment programs, which generate fuel for
nuclear power plants but also could produce weapons-grade fissile
material. (Iran claims that such facilities are legal under the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, or N.P.T., to which it is a signator, and that
it has no intention of building a bomb.) But the goal of the current round
of talks, which began in December in Brussels, is to persuade Tehran to go
further, and dismantle its machinery. Iran insists, in return, that it
needs to see some concrete benefits from the Europeansoil-production
technology, heavy-industrial equipment, and perhaps even permission to
purchase a fleet of Airbuses. (Iran has been denied access to technology
and many goods owing to sanctions.)

The Europeans have been urging the Bush Administration to join in these
negotiations. The Administration has refused to do so. The civilian
leadership in the Pentagon has argued that no diplomatic progress on the
Iranian nuclear threat will take place unless there is a credible threat
of military action. The neocons say negotiations are a bad deal, a senior
official of the International Atomic Energy Agency (I.A.E.A.) told me. And
the only thing the Iranians understand is pressure. And that they also
need to be whacked.

The core problem is that Iran has successfully hidden the extent of its
nuclear program, and its progress. Many Western intelligence agencies,
including those of the United States, believe that Iran is at least three
to five years away from a capability to independently produce nuclear
warheadsalthough its work on a missile-delivery system is far more
advanced. Iran is also widely believed by Western intelligence agencies
and the I.A.E.A. to have serious technical problems with its weapons
system, most notably in the production of the hexafluoride gas needed to
fabricate nuclear warheads.

A retired senior C.I.A. official, one of many who left the agency
recently, told me that he was familiar with the assessments, and confirmed
that Iran is known to be having major difficulties in its weapons work. He
also acknowledged that the agencys timetable for a nuclear Iran matches
the European estimatesassuming that Iran gets no outside help. The big
wild card for us is that you dont know who is capable of filling in the
missing parts for them, the recently retired official said. North Korea?
Pakistan? We dont know what parts are missing.

One Western diplomat told me that the Europeans believed they were in what
he called a lose-lose position as long as the United States refuses to get
involved. France, Germany, and the U.K. cannot succeed alone, and
everybody knows it, the diplomat said. If the U.S. stays outside, we dont
have enough leverage, and our effort will collapse. The alternative would
be to go to the Security Council, but any resolution imposing sanctions
would likely be vetoed by China or Russia, and then the United Nations
will be blamed and the Americans will say, The only solution is to bomb.

A European Ambassador noted that President Bush is scheduled to visit
Europe in February, and that there has been public talk from the White
House about improving the Presidents relationship with Americas E.U.
allies. In that context, the Ambassador told me, Im puzzled by the fact t
chemical-weapons, and missile targets inside Iran. (After Osirak, Iran
situated many of its nuclear sites in remote areas of the east, in an
attempt to keep them out of striking range of other countries, especially
Israel. Distance no longer lends such protection, however: Israel has
acquired three submarines capable of launching cruise missiles and has
equipped some of its aircraft with additional fuel tanks, putting Israeli
F-16I fighters within the range of most Iranian targets.)

They believe that about three-quarters of the potential targets can be
destroyed from the air, and a quarter are too close to population centers,
or buried too deep, to be targeted, the consultant said. Inevitably, he
added, some suspicious sites need to be checked out by American or Israeli
commando teamsin on-the-ground surveillancebefore being targeted.

The Pentagons contingency plans for a broader invasion of Iran are also
being updated. Strategists at the headquarters of the U.S. Central
Command, in Tampa, Florida, have been asked to revise the militarys war
plan, providing for a maximum ground and air invasion of Iran. Updating
the plan makes sense, whether or not the Administration intends to act,
because the geopolitics of the region have changed dramatically in the
last three years. Previously, an American invasion force would have had to
enter Iran by sea, by way of the Persian Gulf or the Gulf of Oman; now
troops could move in on the ground, from Afghanistan or Iraq. Commando
units and other assets could be introduced through new bases in the
Central Asian republics.

It is possible that some of the American officials who talk about the need
to eliminate Irans nuclear infrastructure are doing so as part of a
propaganda campaign aimed at pressuring Iran to give up its weapons
planning. If so, the signals are not always clear. President Bush, who
after 9/11 famously depicted Iran as a member of the axis of evil, is now
publicly emphasizing the need for diplomacy to run its course. We dont
have much leverage with the Iranianalways careful not to use the armed
forces in a covert action without a Presidential finding. The Bush
Administration has taken a much more aggressive stance.

In his conversation with me, Smith emphasized that he was unaware of the
militarys current plans for expanding covert action. But he said, Congress
has always worried that the Pentagon is going to get us involved in some
military misadventure that nobody knows about.

Under Rumsfelds new approach, I was told, U.S. military operatives would
be permitted to pose abroad as corrupt foreign businessmen seeking to buy
contraband items that could be used in nuclear-weapons systems. In some
cases, according to the Pentagon advisers, local citizens could be
recruited and asked to join up with guerrillas or terrorists. This could
potentially involve organizing and carrying out combat operations, or even
terrorist activities. Some operations will likely take place in nations in
which there is an American diplomatic mission, with an Ambassador and a
C.I.A. station chief, the Pentagon consultant said. The Ambassador and the
station chief would not necessarily have a need to know, under the
Pentagons current interpretation of its reporting requirement.

The new rules will enable the Special Forces community to set up what it
calls action teams in the target countries overseas which can be used to
find and eliminate terrorist organizations. Do you remember the right-wing
execution squads in El Salvador? the former high-level intelligence
official asked me, referring to the military-led gangs that committed
atrocities in the early nineteen-eighties. We founded them and we financed
them, he said. The objective now is to recruit locals in any area we want.
And we arent going to tell Congress about it. A former military officer,
who has knowledge of the Pentagons commando capabilities, said, Were going
to be riding with the bad boys.

One of the rationales for such tactics was spelled out in a series of
articles by John Arquilla, a professor of defense analysis at the Naval Py
ways the groups procedures laid the groundwork for the Iran-Contra
scandal.

Despite the controversy surrounding Yellow Fruit, the I.S.A. was kept
intact as an undercover unit by the Army. But we put so many restrictions
on it, the second Pentagon adviser said. In I.S.A., if you wanted to
travel fifty miles you had to get a special order. And there were certain
areas, such as Lebanon, where they could not go. The adviser acknowledged
that the current operations are similar to those two decades earlier, with
similar risksand, as he saw it, similar reasons for taking the risks. What
drove them then, in terms of Yellow Fruit, was that they had no
intelligence on Iran, the adviser told me. They had no knowledge of Tehran
and no people on the ground who could prepare the battle space.

Rumsfelds decision to revive this approach stemmed, once again, from a
failure of intelligence in the Middle East, the adviser said. The
Administration believed that the C.I.A. was unable, or unwilling, to
provide the military with the information it needed to effectively
challenge stateless terrorism. One of the big challenges was that we didnt
have Huminthuman intelligencecollection capabilities in areas where
terrorists existed, the adviser told me. Because the C.I.A. claimed to
have such a hold on Humint, the way to get around them, rather than take
them on, was to claim that the agency didnt do Humint to support Special
Forces operations overseas. The C.I.A. fought it. Referring to Rumsfelds
new authority for covert operations, the first Pentagon adviser told me,
Its not empowering military intelligence. Its emasculating the C.I.A.

A former senior C.I.A. officer depicted the agencys eclipse as
predictable. For years, the agency bent over backward to integrate and
cordinate with the Pentagon, the former officer said. We just caved and
caved and got what we deserved. It is a fact of life today that the
Pentagon is a five-hundred-pound gorilla and the C.I.A. director is a
chimpanzee.

There was pressure from the White House, too. A former C.I.A.
clandestine-services officer told mee more support for the Administrations
political position. Porter Goss, Tenets successor, engaged in what the
recently retired C.I.A. official described as a political purge in the
D.I. Among the targets were a few senior analysts who were known to write
dissenting papers that had been forwarded to the White House. The recently
retired C.I.A. official said, The White House carefully reviewed the
political analyses of the D.I. so they could sort out the apostates from
the true believers. Some senior analysts in the D.I. have turned in their
resignationsquietly, and without revealing the extent of the disarray.

The White House solidified its control over intelligence last month, when
it forced last-minute changes in the intelligence-reform bill. The
legislation, based substantially on recommendations of the 9/11
Commission, originally gave broad powers, including authority over
intelligence spending, to a new national-intelligence director. (The
Pentagon controls roughly eighty per cent of the intelligence budget.) A
reform bill passed in the Senate by a vote of 96-2. Before the House
voted, however, Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld balked. The White House
publicly supported the legislation, but House Speaker Dennis Hastert
refused to bring a House version of the bill to the floor for a
voteostensibly in defiance of the President, though it was widely
understood in Congress that Hastert had been delegated to stall the bill.
After intense White House and Pentagon lobbying, the legislation was
rewritten. The bill that Congress approved sharply reduced the new
directors power, in the name of permitting the Secretary of Defense to
maintain his statutory responsibilities. Fred Kaplan, in the online
magazine Slate, described the real issues behind Hasterts action, quoting
a congressional aide who expressed amazement as White House lobbyists
bashed the Senate bill and came up with all sorts of ludicrous reasons why
it was unacceptable.

Rummys plan was to get a compromise in the bill in which the Pentagon
keeps its marbles and the C.I.A. loses theirs, the former high-level intt
action that is not attributable, the ability to directly task
national-intelligence assetsincluding the many intelligence satellites
that constantly orbit the world.

Rumsfeld will no longer have to refer anything through the governments
intelligence wringer, the former official went on. The intelligence system
was designed to put competing agencies in competition. Whats missing will
be the dynamic tension that insures everyones prioritiesin the C.I.A., the
D.O.D., the F.B.I., and even the Department of Homeland Securityare
discussed. The most insidious implication of the new system is that
Rumsfeld no longer has to tell people what hes doing so they can ask, Why
are you doing this? or What are your priorities? Now he can keep all of
the mattress mice out of it.

 Copyright CondNet 2005

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