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Book Review
by Richard M. Ebeling, August 1994



The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism
by Stefan Kühl (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994) 166 pages; $22.00.

In his 1910 textbook, Elementary Principles of Economics, world-renowned Yale
Professor Irving Fisher devoted part of a chapter to "Population in Relation
to Wealth." Fisher warned of the problem of "race suicide" caused by the fact
that the most industrious and productive members of society tended to have
fewer children than those belonging to lower racial and social groups. "If
the vitality or vital capital is impaired by a breeding of the worst and a
cessation of the breeding of the best, no greater calamity could be
imagined." But he was pleased to point out:

A method of attaining the contrary result — namely, reproducing from the best
and suppressing reproduction from the worst — has been suggested by the late
Sir Francis Galton of England, under the name of "eugenics." This movement,
which promises to become a strong one, aims to prevent (by isolation in
public institutions and in some cases by surgical operations) the possibility
of the propagation of feeble-minded and certain other classes of defectives
and degenerates, also to develop a public sentiment which shall condemn
marriages in which either husband or wife has a transmissible disease, or any
inheritable taint of epilepsy, insanity, etc., or is otherwise unfit to
become a parent.

And in his 1911 textbook, Principles of Economics, in the chapter on
"Population," Harvard Professor Frank W. Taussig noted:

More and more thought has been given of late years to the strange contrast
between our care in breeding animals and our carelessness in breeding men. .
. . Certain types of criminals and paupers breed only their kind, and society
has a right and a duty to protect its members from the repeated burden of
maintaining and guarding such parasites. . . . The human race could be
immensely improved in quality, and its capacity for happy living immensely
increased, if those of poor physical and mental endowment were prevented from
multiplying. . . . More light will come in time from what is called eugenics;
that is, from systematic inquiry as to the transmittal of inborn and acquired
traits from generation to generation, with a view to the possibilities of
selection and breeding.

Professor Taussig did admit that "it is difficult to conceive any such system
which would not imply the sacrifice of present happiness of countless
individuals, for the sake of a cold and distant ideal of ultimate racial
improvement."

The significance of these passages is that two of America's most respected
economists of the time found it appropriate to basically endorse the idea of
racial breeding and control in standard economics textbooks. It is one
indication of how widespread such notions had become in the first decades of
the 20th century.

The modern eugenics movement began with Sir Francis Galton in the 1880s. The
guiding premise was that genetic background influenced the mental and
physical development of both individuals and racial and social groups.
Science, it was believed, would enable a discovery of those genetic "types"
in humans that represented racial and social degeneracy as well as those
representing racial and social improvement. Wise laws and state power could
then see to it that the racially and socially undesirable were prevented from
propagating more of their "inferior types" through methods such as forced
sterilization. At the same time, incentives and sexual breeding techniques
could induce the genetically superior to increase their numbers and thus
improve the race and the culture.

Beginning in 1907, with legislation passed in Indiana, forced sterilization
on the basis of eugenic doctrine began spreading across the United States,
with finally thirty states having such laws on the books. In this century,
upwards of 50,000 Americans have been sterilized by order of the state. The
constitutionality of such compulsion was upheld in 1927, when the case Buck
vs. Bell went before the Supreme Court. With only one dissent, the court
said, in a majority opinion written by Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes:

It is better for the world, if instead of waiting to execute offspring for
crime, or to let them starve for their imbecility, society can prevent those
who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind. The principle that
sustains compulsory vaccination is broad enough to cover cutting the
Fallopian tubes.

The court, in other words, went beyond saying that a person is guilty until
proven innocent; it declared that hypothetical persons were presumed guilty
of criminal intent even before being conceived and may not be brought into
existence. The 1927 decision has never been overturned, and is still a part
of the law of the land.

After World War II, German lawyers defending those accused of being Nazi war
criminals for having forcibly sterilized two million people as a part of Nazi
racial doctrine pointed to the sterilization laws in America and the 1927
Supreme Court decision as justification for their clients' conduct.

In his recent book, The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism and
National Socialism, Stefan Kühl traces the relationships between the Nazi
racial theorists and members of the American eugenics movement in the 1930s.
American eugenicists and German advocates of "racial hygiene" were already
communicating and sharing ''scientific'' information before the First World
War. The conflict in Europe, and particularly American entry into the war
against Germany, broke off all such ties. But shortly after the war's end,
contacts began to reemerge, with their American colleagues being especially
helpful in getting German eugenicists accepted back into their community of
scholars.

Throughout the 1920s, the German proponents of racial sterilization drew upon
the arguments of their American counterparts, using data the American
eugenicists had collected to justify the case for distinguishing between
"superior" and "inferior" racial types; they also made the case that America
was more enlightened and progressive in its racial policies, since numerous
American states had passed sterilization laws, while German law was
"backward" in its narrow defense of individual rights that frustrated
equivalent German legislation.

With Hitler's coming to power in 1933, Germany's racial hygienists came into
their own, with institutes for race science and research being established or
expanded. They solicited articles by many of the leading American eugenicists
for their "scholarly" journals, translated many of their works into German,
and gave them wide distribution. The Nazis used these American books and
articles to demonstrate that they were not alone in the world in advocating
compulsory racial improvement and purity.

A number of American eugenicists happily cooperated. Harry L. Laughlin, who
authored the "model" sterilization law for Virginia that was then copied by
several other states, saw his proposals explicitly implemented in Germany's
1933 Hereditary Health Law, that prohibited racial intermarriage and codified
forced sterilization in the new Germany. As a tribute, the University of
Heidelberg awarded Laughlin an honorary degree in 1936, which he
enthusiastically accepted.

Even in the late 1930s and early 1940s, some American eugenics publications
refused to criticize Nazi race policy in general or legal persecution of the
Jews in particular. Some of the leading eugenicists argued that to do so
would be to unjustifiably mix science with politics. But in 1942, American
eugenicist T. U. H. Ellinger published an article in the Journal of Heredity,
in which he said that after a visit to Germany in 1939-1940, it was clear to
him that Nazi treatment of the Jews was merely "a large-scale breeding
project, with the purpose of eliminating from the nation the hereditary
attributes of the Semitic race" and eugenic science "can undoubtedly assist
them in carrying out a reasonably correct labeling of every doubtful
individual. The rest remains in the cruel hands of the S.S., the S.A. and the
Gestapo."

In 1940, another leading American eugenicist, Lothrop Stoddard, said, after
spending four months in Germany, that the Nazis were "weeding out the worst
strains in the Germanic stock in a scientific and truly humanitarian way" and
that the "Jews problem" was "already settled in principle and soon to be
settled by the physical elimination of the Jews themselves from the Third
Reich." Stoddard had even sat in on some cases of the German Hereditary
Supreme Court and helped the judges reach a positive verdict for
sterilization concerning, "An 'apelike' man with receding forehead and
flaring nostrils who had a history of homosexuality and was married to a
'Jewess' by whom he had three 'ne'er-do-well children.'"

Professor Kühl emphasizes that by the end of the 1930s a sizable number of
American eugenicists began to differentiate between what they considered
their own scientific studies and the racialism of the Nazi regime. And a
growing number refused to have anything to do with their German counterparts.
They believed that Nazi practice was prejudicing their own work in the eyes
of the international community of scholars. But the fact remains that the
American eugenics movement, the compulsory sterilization laws in thirty
states, and the 1927 Supreme Court decision served as powerful legitimizers
for Nazi racial theory and practice. As the German journal Grossdeutscher
Pressdienst declared in 1936, "[F]or us Germans it is especially important to
know and to see how one of the biggest states in the world with Nordic stock
[the U.S.] already has race legislation which is quite comparable to that of
the German Reich."
*   PURCHASE: The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German
National Socialism



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