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The debasement of world currency: it is inflation, but not as we know it

by Peter Warburton
April 9, 2001
Peter Warburton is the author of ‘Debt and Delusion’, Penguin, 2000.

More than twenty years ago, I was a research officer in a forecasting unit at 
the London Business School. We called ourselves international monetarists 
then and we had a model that determined the inflation rate from the growth of 
money stock per unit of output, with long and variable lags. The value of a 
currency was determined, in the long run, by its monetary growth per unit of 
output in relation to that of the rest of the developed world. Being a young 
man, I was heavily into econometrics – or economic tricks, as some would have 
it – and our research group published papers showing how well this model 
fitted the data of that time. 
Basically, we had it sown up. We knew how to predict inflation; we knew the 
equilibrium value of currencies and the untidy realities of economic life 
were mopped up in the balance of payments. We felt sure that if the 
authorities could regulate the growth of the money supply, all would be well. 
How wrong we were.

By the mid-1980s, central bankers had begun to enjoy a measure of success in 
controlling inflation, not by strict regulation of the money supply, but as a 
by-product of financial de-regulation and the liberalization of credit. Even 
allowing for the lapses of 1988-90, there was a growing confidence that the 
battle against inflation was won. Throughout the 1990s, economists were 
absorbed by the issue of the permanence of low inflation, as measured by the 
annual change in a weighted basket of consumer goods and services, the CPI. 
But was inflation dead, or merely sleeping? Residual fears that it may only 
be a long sleep led the US authorities to establish the Boskin commission, 
whose charge was to deliver inflation a heavy blow to the head. Stunned into 
submission, the CPI took a long while to stir from its slumbers and did not 
do so until higher oil prices came along last year. However, it is far from 
certain that this surge will persist, and quite conceivable that it will 
recede later in the year in response to weakness in the real economy. To all 
intents and purposes, inflation in its popular form looks dead or comatose.

The paradox of disconnection
During these past 15 years, the Anglo-American economies (US, UK and Canada) 
have experienced episodes of weak growth in broad money (M2 or M3) with 
moderate inflation (in the early-1990s) and episodes of strong monetary 
growth with little measured inflation of consumer prices, as now. As a 
result, most economists have given up on the monetary aggregates as a useful 
guide to anything important. Government economists, who have remained 
skeptical of monetary transmission mechanisms throughout, feel especially 
vindicated. They argue that, if double-digit money supply growth can sit 
happily alongside a 2% or 3% inflation target and an appreciating currency, 
then surely the argument is settled.
I no longer regard myself as a monetarist, but I retain a deep respect for 
the behaviour of bank liabilities and their close substitutes. There are some 
things that only money can do. However, there are many other things that 
credit can do just as well. The avalanche of non-bank credit that has swept 
across the economic landscape over the past 20 years has altered it beyond 
recognition. On the one hand, it has enabled the monetary aggregates to grow 
much more slowly than the credit aggregates, helping to keep inflation lower. 
On the other hand, the non-bank credit avalanche has enabled a furious pace 
of fixed investment in physical assets that has promoted structural global 
excess capacity in virtually all manufactured products and exerted downward 
pressure on product prices. The particularly vigorous investment in 
information and communications technology has served a dual purpose, through 
the spectacular lowering of capital goods prices and by connecting disparate 
market participants to a common network and database. 

And what of the periodic bouts of monetary excess, in late-1998, late-1999 
and again over the past 3 months? These can be explained by the increasing 
fragility of the financial system. The more obvious are the system’s 
weaknesses, the greater is the fear of collapse and the larger the demand for 
liquidity within the financial markets. In these stressful episodes, it is 
the financial markets themselves that are the principal driving force behind 
the monetary expansion. Hence, there is relatively little monetary impact on 
the product and labour markets, that is, on prices and wages.

In this way, we can arrive at a crude understanding of the paradox of 
disconnection: how volatile and often rapid monetary growth rates can be 
consistent with seemingly low and stable inflation outcomes. In the US, the 
annual price deflator for GDP has been below 2.5% in every year since 1991. 
Consumer price inflation has been no higher than 3% in every year since 1991. 
In Canada, the record is slightly better; in the UK, slightly worse. To 
parody Paul Samuelson’s quip about the productivity ‘miracle’, credit 
excesses are visible everywhere except in the inflation figures. Time and 
time again, respected commentators and analysts have warned of the 
approaching inflationary backlash from the credit and monetary excesses, only 
to be humiliated and discredited by events. This is not because their 
instincts were at fault, but because they were looking in the wrong place.

However, this does not explain the strength of the US dollar: surely the 
value of the dollar in relation to euros and yen has to collapse under the 
weight of excessive money supply growth and a huge external payments deficit? 
Well, I certainly thought so as recently as December 1999 when I wrote a 
bulletin for Flemings entitled ‘US dollar: selling the silver and leasing the 
gold’. Now, I’m not so sure. I am coming round to the view that the external 
value of all major currencies is eroding and that this general erosion is 
able to substitute for at least a portion of the decline that one might 
expect in a particular currency versus its peers. Allow me to explain.

The loss of a stable numéraire
In the physical world, there are constants that serve as dependable 
benchmarks against which to observe natural phenomena. Examples are the 
velocity of a falling object, the freezing point of water and the time taken 
for one rotation of the earth on its axis. In the economic and financial 
world, this degree of precision is lacking. Instead, we content ourselves 
with approximations, indices and averages. We pride ourselves in knowing the 
difference between an inflation rate of 2% per annum and 2.5% per annum. 
Small deviations of outcomes from expectations can trigger dramatic trading 
in financial instruments and result in the transfers of billions of dollars 
between investments. Yet, in the financial realm, can we really be sure of 
the value of anything?

Monarchs of old, when hard-pressed for finance, would debase their precious 
metal currency by reducing its weight or by mixing in base metals to create 
an alloy. Hey, presto! They were able to increase the money supply and buy 
more munitions and enlist more soldiers. By this deceit, they separated the 
face value of the currency from its inherent value, derived from the scarcity 
value of the gold or silver. These debased coins were, of course, the 
forerunners of our modern monies whose face value is established by 
government fiat or decree. The face or nominal values of the notes and coins 
in circulation with the public greatly exceed their inherent or commodity 
values, and do not purport to have stable ratios with them.

In the post-war period, economists have compensated for the lack of a 
commodity base (eg gold standard) for a currency by constructing weighted 
indices of commonly purchased items. The rationale for the purchasing power 
approach is that the supply of consumables is constrained by the availability 
of scarce resources such as land, capital equipment and labour services. 
Because the supply of these resources is finite, then an excessive growth in 
the stock of domestic monetary assets would give rise to an inflation of the 
market prices of the consumables. Hence, if consumer prices are constant, 
then this is a positive indication that the money supply is not growing too 
rapidly and that the internal value of the currency is being maintained. 
Countries with stable price levels, or equivalently low inflation rates, 
would also be expected to have currencies that held their external value with 
each other, and steadily gained in value versus countries with higher 
inflation rates.

The fatal flaw in the ‘inflation target’ mentality
Unfortunately, there is a giant flaw in this logical structure. Restraining 
the growth of the money supply does not prohibit the excessive expansion of 
the credit system, unless banks have a credit monopoly and operate only as 
lenders rather than investors. An excessive expansion of credit can create an 
environment where the factors of production – land, capital and labour 
services – appear to be in infinite supply. If sufficient (borrowed) 
financial resources are made available, then sterile, parched and polluted 
land can be fertilized, irrigated, cleaned up and turned to productive use. 
Similarly, more factories, kilns, assembly lines, steel mills, semiconductor 
plants and so on can be built using state-of-the-art technology. Idle and 
untrained workforces can be mobilized and organized into productive units. A 
rich country, with plenty of collateral assets against which to borrow, can 
indeed face a supply curve that is seemingly infinitely elastic. I can assure 
you that consumer price inflation will not be a problem for such an economy.

Where is the flaw? It lies in the fantasy that the stock of borrowings (of 
all types) can somehow be divorced from the money stock. The physical 
representation of the abundant supply of credit to producers and consumers 
lies in the over-production of goods and services. When this has occurred on 
a global basis, then a point is reached when it becomes impossible to find 
new export markets and the degree of spare capacity begins to rise. 
Profit-seeking companies will be compelled to shut down capacity and lay off 
staff in order to restore ailing profitability. The financial counterpart is 
the erosion in the ability of borrowers to service their debts. In the limit, 
the construction of excess capacity gives rise to debt default, as the idle 
portion of capacity does not earn an income and cannot service the debt that 
financed its construction.

However, since all debt is borrowed money, in order to write off a debt, it 
is necessary to destroy part of the money supply. It may be that the debt was 
structured as a bond issue rather than a bank loan; it doesn’t matter. The 
bondholders exchanged money balances for those bonds when they acquired them. 
If the bond is cancelled, this money is lost. Actual and impending losses 
give rise to a desire for additional liquidity in the financial system. Here, 
only money will do. 

Central banks are engaged in a desperate battle on two fronts
What we see at present is a battle between the central banks and the collapse 
of the financial system fought on two fronts. On one front, the central banks 
preside over the creation of additional liquidity for the financial system in 
order to hold back the tide of debt defaults that would otherwise occur. On 
the other, they incite investment banks and other willing parties to bet 
against a rise in the prices of gold, oil, base metals, soft commodities or 
anything else that might be deemed an indicator of inherent value. Their 
objective is to deprive the independent observer of any reliable benchmark 
against which to measure the eroding value, not only of the US dollar, but of 
all fiat currencies. Equally, their actions seek to deny the investor the 
opportunity to hedge against the fragility of the financial system by 
switching into a freely traded market for non-financial assets. 

It is important to recognize that the central banks have found the battle on 
the second front much easier to fight than the first. Last November, I 
estimated the size of the gross stock of global debt instruments at $90 
trillion for mid-2000. How much capital would it take to control the combined 
gold, oil and commodity markets? Probably, no more than $200bn, using 
derivatives. Moreover, it is not necessary for the central banks to fight the 
battle themselves, although central bank gold sales and gold leasing have 
certainly contributed to the cause. Most of the world’s large investment 
banks have over-traded their capital so flagrantly that if the central banks 
were to lose the fight on the first front, then their stock would be 
worthless. Because their fate is intertwined with that of the central banks, 
investment banks are willing participants in the battle against rising gold, 
oil and commodity prices. 

Central banks, and particularly the US Federal Reserve, are deploying their 
heavy artillery in the battle against a systemic collapse. This has been 
their primary concern for at least seven years. Their immediate objectives 
are to prevent the private sector bond market from closing its doors to new 
or refinancing borrowers and to forestall a technical break in the Dow Jones 
Industrials. Keeping the bond markets open is absolutely vital at a time when 
corporate profitability is on the ropes. Keeping the equity index on an even 
keel is essential to protect the wealth of the household sector and to 
maintain the expectation of future gains. For as long as these objectives can 
be achieved, the value of the US dollar can also be stabilized in relation to 
other currencies, despite the extraordinary imbalances in external trade.

The US dollar is not as vulnerable as it may appear
The key to understanding how this can happen is to consider how little 
information the flow of funds accounts provides about the true ownership of 
assets and liabilities. As far as the US external capital account is 
concerned, hedge funds based in the Caribbean are overseas investors. The 
activities of overseas branches of US commercial banks are also considered to 
be foreign transactions. Also, London, and Zurich are clearing-houses for all 
manner of nominee accounts and anonymous trusts. Around two-thirds of all US 
bonds recorded as UK-owned belong to UK entities representing non-residents. 
To fear that foreign investors will one day abstain from fresh investment in 
US financial assets, leaving the current account deficit uncovered and the US 
dollar prone, is to suppose that foreigners are the sole instigators of these 
external financial flows in the first place. It is quite likely that a 
substantial proportion of these external flow-demands for US corporate bonds 
and equities are, in fact, US-originated. US residents’ subscriptions to 
leveraged hedge funds reappear as foreign investment in US securities. US 
commercial banks’ overseas branches borrow in euros locally to invest the 
proceeds in US bonds, playing the yield curve.

Thinking in these terms, a collapse of the US dollar versus the euro appears 
much less likely. It may still occur, but more plausibly in the context of 
cancelled credit lines and forced asset disposals. The obvious example is the 
slump in the US dollar against the yen in 1998 as the hedge funds lost their 
credit lines from Japanese banks and were compelled to unwind their carry 
trades.

Beneath the surface, the values of the dollar, the yen and the euro have been 
eroded simultaneously by the over-extension of credit. The latent losses in 
the credit system, emanating from non-performing loans and defaulting bonds, 
represent a charge against the value of the currency, as surely as if the 
edges of the notes and coins had been trimmed away. There has been a 
reduction in the quality of credit rather than an increase in the quantity o

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