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Capitol Hill Blue

The frightening world of government by executive order

Tuesday, January 11, 2000

BY JILL LABBE

In a story last week about the unexpected changes in Russia's
political structure, The New York Times used the word ``ukazes''
without any accompanying explanation. The Times' inflated opinion
of the educational level of its readers being what it is,
apparently no further explanation was warranted.

I readily confess my ignorance, plus that of many of my
colleagues, who are some of the most well-read people I know. A
quick trip to the dictionary revealed that a ukase (although the
Times spelled it with a ``z'') is an imperial proclamation or
order having the force of law.

It's the Russian equivalent of a U.S. presidential executive
order. And though you'd never know it by looking at the number of
orders issued by almost every American president since Abraham
Lincoln (Rutherford Hayes and James Garfield resisted the urge),
in this country it is a form of unconstitutional lawmaking that
usurps legislative power. Congress historically has been none too
bothered by this supplanting of its authority.

What kind of issues are so pressing that a president feels
compelled to make law via executive order - or, worse yet,
through classified presidential directives that even members of
Congress are denied access to - rather than go through the
constitutionally mandated process of Congressional approval?

Everything from controlling ``invasive species'' of plants and
animals to the declassification of POW/MIA records to directing
federal agencies to implement various U.N. human rights treaties
even though they haven't been ratified by Congress.

The current Democratic occupant of the White House has managed to
issue 311 of these hummers as of Dec. 21, but he is by no means
the prime abuser. Republican presidents Eisenhower, Nixon and
Reagan all topped Clinton's mark - but Bill has another year to
play, so the jury's still out.

Clinton's 311 are small fish compared to Harry Truman's 905, but
that pales when stacked up next to the winner and still champion,
Franklin D. Roosevelt, who issued a whopping 3,723 executive
orders.

Lincoln issued the first such presidential directive to be
classified as an executive order, according to attorneys William
Olson and Alan Woll, who authored a policy analysis last fall on
EOs for the Cato Institute. That order, issued on Oct. 20, 1862,
established federal courts in parts of Louisiana that were being
held by federal troops.

What started basically as interoffice memos between Lincoln and
his executive branch staff on how to run a government beset by
civil war while Congress was not in session have morphed into a
second legislative branch of government.

The trouble with executive orders is that not all of them rely on
clearly delineated constitutional or statutory authority.
Ambiguity being the best friend of power, presidents have used
the wide divergence of opinion about the scope, application and
legal authority of presidential directives to their advantage.

But some members of the 106th Congress have had enough of this
imperial presidency. Rep. Jack Metcalf of Washington has been
joined by 83 bipartisan co-sponsors, including nine Texas
congressmen, to introduce House Concurrent Resolution 30. The
legislation will take the teeth out of any executive order that
infringes on congressional powers and duties or requires the
expenditure of federal funds not specifically appropriated by
Congress for the purpose of the order. They would be little more
than presidential wish lists and have no force or effect unless
Congress enacted them as law.

What triggered this long-overdue interest? E.O. 13061: Federal
Support of Community Efforts along American Heritage Rivers. In
it, Clinton promised federal money to ``protect'' first 10, and
later 14, rivers nominated by local governments and environmental
groups under the American Heritage Rivers Initiative - itself
created by executive order.

No one is saying that protecting rivers isn't a good thing. But
issuing federal regulations for what should be local land use
policies and then promising federal funds that would have to be
``reappropriated'' from some place else - all without
congressional authority - was a move that troubled even members
of the president's own party.

Presidential adviser Paul Begala, no doubt totally unaware that
his words would send a shiver down the spines of Americans who
value the balance of power established in the Constitution, said
this at one of Clinton's executive order signing parties:
``Stroke of the pen. Law of the land. Kinda cool.''

Not kinda cool. Downright chilling.

(Jill ``J.R.'' Labbe is senior editorial writer and columnist for
the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.)

© 2000 Fort Worth Star-Telegram. Distribued by N.Y. Times News
Service


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