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Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.conservative.org/gorebook/Chapter5.htm";>Al
Gore - America in the Balance: Chapter 5</A>
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Chapter 5
The Company He Keeps:
Special Friends and Special Interests
Al Gore has often been depicted by the media as a middle-aged Boy Scout, Mr.
Clean, the most straight-laced White House presence since Calvin Coolidge.
And for years the American people, in the absence of evidence to the
contrary, have accepted this characterization. However, since he entered the
2000 presidential race, investigative journalists have begun to peel off
Gore’s veneer, to expose the lies he’s told, the deals he’s cut, the laws
he’s broken.

Thus far, however, most haven’t taken a close look at the company he keeps.
Here, then, is the low-down on a few of Al Gore’s good friends and political
cronies—the leeches and manipulators who have surrounded him since he first
ran for office.

Tony Coelho recently resigned as Al Gore’s campaign manager. He cited a
stomach problem as his reason. However, he may have left because the media
snoops were hot on his trail.

Coelho was originally called in after the Gore candidacy had washed up on the
beach and lay dying in the noon-day sun. When Tony came to the rescue, he
demanded “total control” of the campaign organization—and got it.89
A few years earlier, he had been one of the most powerful men in Congress.
Then, all of a sudden, he was gone—resigning after questions were raised
about his ethical conduct. He quit because they had him nailed. Gone but not
forgotten: Two years ago he was appointed U.S. Commissioner General for Expo
98, to be held in Lisbon, Portugal.

It was a low-profile job with a high potential for waste, fraud, and abuse.
And sure enough, Tony got into trouble again.

In September of 1999, an audit by the State Department’s Inspector General
found mismanagement of government funds and possible violations of the law.90

Below are some of the items on a lengthy list of the abuses the I.G.
uncovered: 91


*   Coelho and friends misused around $150,000 in airline tickets and pass
upgrades donated to the federal government by Continental Airlines.

*   Coelho scarfed up $800 from the petty cash drawer to pay for a Mercedes
with chauffeur, though he had 6 vans assigned for his use.

*   He stayed in a luxury apartment that cost $18,000 a month and sent the
bill to the United States Information Agency.

*   He hired two stepsons of the ambassador to Portugal, one as a “senior
operations assistant” to work out of his office and paid them inflated
salaries. Their contracts did not outline duties. Coelho’s niece was also on
the payroll.

*   He hired a consultant and paid him more than $26,000 to work out of his
office, reimbursing him for expenses that weren’t covered in the contract.

*   He obstructed the I.G.’s investigation by ordering documents destroyed.

*   According to the I.G., he wheedled a $300,000 personal loan from the
president of a Lisbon bank, ostensibly to support the Luso-American Wave
Foundation, formed to raise money for a massive sculpture to honor Portuguese
who immigrated to the United States. Coelho didn’t bother to list the loan on
his financial disclosure form. At first, the money was deposited into USIA
trust funds for the exposition, but was removed after discovery that it was a
personal loan and not a gift.

After the I.G.’s report hit the news, Coelho began to engage in damage
control, though his efforts weren’t entirely successful.

*   On October 2, 1999, Stanley Brand, Coelho’s lawyer, said the loan “was
paid off with donations from people donating to the memorial, including a
large donation from Tony himself.”92

*   Two days later, Brand did a bit of back-pedaling. This time he said that
Tony still owed around $100,000 on the loan, and was “in the process of
paying it off.”93

*   On October 7, Brand gave the world an update: Coelho had sent a wire
transfer to a bank in Portugal for final payment on the loan. Reportedly,
Coelho had made almost $2 million during an 18-month period, and his total
assets were around $55 million.94

*   Shortly after the story broke, Al Gore said on “Face the Nation”: “Tony
Coelho is doing a terrific job. He’s my close friend, and he’s going to
continue to do a great job.” When asked about the audit, Gore called it
“inside baseball.”95

That might have been the end of it, but it wasn’t. In March of 2000, Time
reported that Coelho’s activities in Lisbon were no longer the sole concern
of the State Department. The Justice Department had launched its own criminal
investigation.96

When asked about these new developments, Gore sounded like a broken record:
“Tony Coelho is doing a terrific job, day after day. He will continue to do a
terrific job.”97 Gore seemed to be saying, “I don’t care if Tony’s a bad guy,
as long as he keeps my campaign ginning.”

Within a week the national press was talking about a new investigation—this
one by the Securities and Exchange Commission, involving Thoroughbred
Breeders, Inc., a corporation that Tony and an unsavory partner took over and
then shut down.

A second company, the AutoLend Group, was also under investigation. These
companies had two things in common: (1) They were engaged in shady business
practices, and (2) Tony Coelho was a director on both boards.98

During this scrutiny, Tony Coelho was still the absolute ruler of Al Gore’s
presidential campaign; and while the major news magazines and the New York
Times covered this story in depth, the majority of the American people didn’t
know Coelho was Gore’s campaign manager, much less that he’d been involved in
so much sleaze.
Now that Coelho has departed, it looks as if Gore will weather another storm
without even having to put up his umbrella.

Meanwhile another friend of Al Gore was covering himself with sleaze. This
one agreed to plead guilty in Florida to the charge of soliciting a political
donation from a foreign contributor in behalf of the Democratic Party.
According to prosecutors, Howard Glicken solicited the contribution from
German businessman Thomas Kramer.

The Wall Street Journal reported the following:

The case generated controversy after FEC lawyers recommended against pursuing
Mr. Glicken because it was “unclear” that he would settle the case, given his
“high profile [and] potential fund-raising involvement in support of” Mr.
Gore.

Mr. Gore met Mr. Glicken in 1987 during the then-senator’s unsuccessful bid
for the presidential nomination and the two became friends. He raised more
than $2.3 million during the 1992 and 1996 Clinton/Gore campaigns, and Bill
and Hillary Clinton listed him among their “longtime friends” who stayed
overnight at the White House. After the 1992 election, Mr. Glicken became a
consultant to foreign businessmen and introduced associates to key people in
Washington, squiring some to fundraisers to meet the president and other
players. He visited the White House more than 70 times.99

One of the most fortuitous friendships Al Gore and his family ever made was
with Armand Hammer and his Occidental Petroleum Company. Younger Americans
aren’t familiar with the controversy that surrounded Hammer during his long
and contradictory life. One of the richest men in the world, he was an
outspoken supporter of the Soviet Union and international communism during
the Cold War. Many Americans saw him as a traitor, and J. Edgar Hoover
believed that he acted as a Soviet agent while traveling to and from Russia.
As Micah Morrison of the Wall Street Journal pointed out, citing an
authoritative book on the subject by Edward Jay Epstein, Hoover’s suspicions
were grounded in hard evidence:

Mr. Hammer mined asbestos and brokered the production of tractors and pencils
for Stalinist Russia. He cut lucrative fur deals. He trafficked in Czarist
art, real and forged. He laundered millions for the Soviet Union in sham
transactions. Later, Mr. Epstein reports, Mr. Hammer leapt into the big time
by acquiring Libyan oil rights for Occidental Petroleum through a combination
of shrewd dealing and bribery.100

Hammer also did something else. As Morrison put it, he “trafficked in
politicians of all parties and stripes.”101 One of these was Albert Gore, Sr.
Another was Albert Gore, Jr.

Hammer and the elder Gore met at a stock auction in the 1940s and established
a close friendship that lasted until the 1990s, when both men died.102 Both
were men of the Left, and both were driven to become the rich capitalists
they despised in the abstract.

And they both profited enormously from the relationship.

Early in the game, one of Hammer’s subsidiary companies bought a piece of
property in Tennessee, sold it to Gore, Sr., who in turn sold it to Gore,
Jr.—our Al. Hammer’s company then began paying Gore, Jr. a highly inflated
annual fee for mining rights—and never mined the property. This little
arrangement netted Gore, Jr. over $190,000.103
Hammer did other favors for Gore, Sr. For example, the two men went into the
cattle business together. As Morrison put it:

Over the years, as Mr. Gore rose in prominence and went on to the Senate,
many favor-seekers traveled to Tennessee to purchase some very expensive
cattle. The profits allowed the senator and his family to live in luxury at
Washington’s Fairfax Hotel. In return, Mr. Gore provided several valuable
services to Mr. Hammer, including fending off the FBI.104

Hammer also did favors for Gore, Jr., in addition to paying him mineral
rights.


*   When Senator Al ran for reelection in 1990, the Hammer family and
corporations made donations up to the legal limit.105

*   According to Neil Lyndon, Hammer’s former personal assistant, Al and
Tipper had dinner regularly with Hammer and Hammer’s paid lobbyists. The Wall
Street Journal also quotes Lyndon as saying: “Separately and together, the
Gores sometimes used Hammer’s luxurious private Boeing 727 for journeys and
jaunts.”106

*   The New York Times reported the following: “Former Senator Paul Simon of
Illinois wrote in a 1989 book that Mr. Hammer promised him ‘any cabinet spot
I wanted’ to withdraw from the 1988 Democratic presidential primary race and
support the younger Mr. Gore’s candidacy.”107 It’s particularly interesting
that Hammer should feel free to make such an offer. Did that mean Gore was so
much his creature that Hammer could make such promises without even
consulting the candidate? Or did it mean that he was acting as Gore’s agent
in the matter?

Why was Hammer so anxious to help further Gore, Jr.’s career? Perhaps events
this year provide us with an answer to that question.

Near Bakersfield, California, lies Elk Hills oil field, a 47,000-acre tract
that has belonged to the federal government since 1912. In September of 1995,
the Vice President of the United States, in his role as Reinventer of
Government, recommended that Elk Hills be privatized. When the land was
released for sale, Occidental Petroleum gobbled it up. Occidental stock
soared. And the trust fund Al Gore’s father left behind contained a huge
block of stock. Al is currently managing that trust for his mother. It’s
certainly satisfying to be able to help your country and your gray-haired
mother at the same time.108

No one knows the extent to which Gores Sr. and Jr. aided Armand Hammer, his
family, and Occidental. Nor can we determine the extent of the services
Hammer rendered to the Gores. These are relationships common enough in
Washington. But Al Gore has been involved in more than his share.

One of the most sinister figures in Al Gore’s entourage is Nathan Landow—a
man with a shady past and even shadier connections. In the 1970s, Landow made
a serious effort to get into the hotel and casino business. When he was ready
to make his move, he enlisted the help of Joe Nesline—an underworld
character. As the Washington Post put it in 1978:

Two prominent Washington investors with connections to the Carter
administration were involved in a proposal to build a hotel and gambling
casino in Atlantic City, with Washington gambling king pin Joe Nesline as a
consultant. The investors are multimillionaire builder Nathan Landow and
Smith Bagley, a Reynolds tobacco heir. Landow is under consideration for
appointment as U.S. Ambassador to the Netherlands.109

The Post also pointed out that Nesline had a long criminal record, including
bookmaking, bribery and gambling. In 1951, he was also convicted of carrying
a deadly weapon in the fatal shooting of a man in an after-hours club.110

Landow and Nesline were also involved in another casino deal, this one on St.
Martin Island in the Caribbean. This enterprise also involved Edward Cellini,
brother of mob associate Dino Cellini, a former associate of Meyer Lansky.111

In yet another business deal, Landow teamed up with Anthony Plate, a member
of the Carlo Gambino crime family, to invest in Quaker Masonry, Inc., a firm
with offices in Maryland and Florida.112

In the early 1980s—when the administration of Washington mayor Marion Barry
was selling urban renewal properties to Democratic Party supporters at
cut-rate prices—Landow was one of the lucky buyers. As National Review
reported: “Nathan Landow, for example, a prominent Democratic Party
fundraiser, paid less than one-third the market price for a piece of downtown
real estate he purchased from the [Washington Redevelopment Land Agency] in
early 1982.”113

So Landow has been skulking around in deep shade for several decades—and
during this period he was a big behind-the-scenes money man in the Democratic
Party.

Question: What are Landow’s connections with Al Gore and the Clinton/Gore
Administration?
Answer: Many and varied.

*   Landow raised $600,000 for the Clinton/Gore ticket in 1992 and 1996—a lot
of money that buys a lot of gratitude.114

*   He allegedly tried to pressure former White House volunteer Kathleen
Willey to keep quiet about Bill Clinton’s sexual harassment. According to
Newsweek, “Landow’s real-estate firm chartered a plane to fly Willey from her
home to Maryland’s Eastern Shore, where Landow has an estate.” There,
according to Newsweek, Landow told her, “Don’t say anything,” that if she
said “nothing happened,” no one could contradict her. Willey told the grand
jury that during her visit, “Landow offered to fly her to New York City for a
Christmas shopping trip.”115

*   The Washington Post reported that Jarrett Stern, a private investigator,
said Landow hired him to spy on Willey, According to Stern’s lawyer, the P.I.
called Willey and warned her. Landow denied he hired Stern.116 It turned out
he was telling the truth. It was Landow’s lawyer, Saul Schwartzbach, who
hired the investigator to spy on Willey.117

*   The Washington Times reported that when Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians were
attempting to get the government to return tribal lands, “Longtime Gore
fund-raiser Nathan Landow and former Clinton-Gore campaign manager Peter
Knight reportedly offered to lobby the administration for the return of the
lands in exchange for campaign contributions from the tribe of more than
$100,000.... For their efforts the Indians got lunch with President Clinton
and a dinner invitation from Mr. Gore, but no land. When news of the
shakedown broke earlier this year, the Democratic National Committee returned
the money.”118

*   But Landow wasn’t merely shaking down poor Indians for the good of the
cause. He also tried to grab a piece of the action. As U.S. News & World
Report put it: “Although officials of the Cheyenne-Arapaho tribes ultimately
refused to testify in the case, tribal lawyer Richard Grellner told the
Senate Governmental Affairs Committee that in exchange for help with their
claim, Landow demanded 10 percent of any development revenues and gas or oil
royalties on the disputed land—a bonanza possibly worth as much as $200
million.”119

*   Archie Hoffman, former Cheyenne-Arapaho tribal secretary, when
interviewed by Bill Moyers on “Frontline,” said of Landow, “And he said, but
if we didn’t do that, he said he’d make sure we never got the property back,
you know?”

*   It gets worse. When federal investigators began to look into Landow’s
dealings with the Cheyenne-Arapahos, Michael C. Copperthite, a Democratic
fundraiser, knew some of the detail—and Landow knew that he knew. So
according to Copperthite, Landow “did exactly the same thing to me” that
Willey said he’d done. Here’s Copperthite’s version: “He said, And I quote
exactly: ‘You’re going to be contacted by Justice Department people probably
and I want to go over with you what the truth is, so that you can tell the
truth.’ ... So then he does this whole story that doesn’t even match up to
anything that happened and then says, ‘Now that’s the truth, isn’t it? You’re
going to tell the truth.’”120

*   According to Copperthite, Landow’s offer for lying to the Justice
Department was not a Christmas shopping spree in New York, but a job with Al
Gore’s 2000 presidential campaign.121

*   So where did Nathan Landow get his clout with Gore? It was Landow who
came to Gore and urged him to run for President in 1988, so the two go way
back. And in that race, Landow was Gore’s chief financial backer. According
to Copperthite, Landow told him, “We’re all going to be part of the big happy
Gore family some day and this all will pass over.” Copperthite’s
interpretation: “He was clearly telling me to keep my mouth shut, play along
and I would be taken care of—or un-taken care of.”122

Al Hunt, writing in the Wall Street Journal, reported that Landow also
apparently joined others in trying to help Webster Hubbell out of his fi
nancial difficulties. Then Hunt says something about Landow that’s
significant:

What sets Mr. Landow apart, however, is that he and Bill Clinton actually
have a hostile relationship. But Mr. Landow is close to Vice President Al
Gore. Political observers who know him say that it’s highly doubtful that Mr.
Landow would have done this out of personal kindness rather than political
calculation....123

It’s important to note that all of these characters—slipping in and out of
the White House, representing special interests, peddling influence—were
invited into the party by Al Gore. Indeed, looking over this abbreviated
list, it’s easy to conclude that Gore’s friends are even sleazier than
Clinton’s friends, a terrible revelation to a sleaze-weary public.
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