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http://washingtonpost.com/cgi-bin/gx.cgi/AppLogic+FTContentServer?pag
ename=wpni/print&articleid=A9055-2000Feb19


 U.S. Firms Aiding Iraqi Oil Industry

 By Colum Lynch
 Special to The Washington Post
 Sunday, February 20, 2000 ; A23

 UNITED NATIONS, Feb. 17 -- Four years ago, when he was director of
 central intelligence, John M. Deutch headed up American efforts to
 overthrow Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Today, Deutch sits on the
 board of Schlumberger Ltd., a multinational company that is helping
 Baghdad service its oil rigs.

 As secretary of defense during the Persian Gulf War, Richard B.
 Cheney played a key role in the U.S.-led military coalition that
 forced Iraq to retreat from Kuwait. But as chief executive officer
 of Halliburton Co., a Dallas-based maker of oil equipment, Cheney
 recently held a major stake in Dresser-Rand and Ingersoll-Dresser
 Pump Co., two American players in the reconstruction of Iraq's oil
 industry.

 While the United States and Britain wage almost daily airstrikes
 against military installations in northern and southern Iraq, U.S.
 companies, executives and even some architects of American policy
 toward Iraq are doing business with Saddam Hussein's government and
 helping to rebuild its battered oil industry.

 Though perfectly legal, the growing U.S.-Iraqi commerce has been
 kept quiet by both sides because it seems to fly in the face of
 Washington's commitment to "regime change" in Baghdad and Saddam
 Hussein's claim to be defying the world's lone superpower. The
 United Nations also helps both countries avoid embarrassment by
 treating the business arrangements as confidential.

 The trade is permitted under the "oil for food" deal, a
 humanitarian exemption from the U.N. trade embargo imposed on Iraq
 after the 1990 invasion of Kuwait. It allows Iraq to sell oil and
 use the proceeds, under U.N. supervision, to purchase food,
 medicine and other humanitarian goods, as well as spare parts to
 keep the oil flowing.

 Placing bids through overseas subsidiaries and affiliates, more
 than a dozen U.S. firms have signed millions of dollars in
 contracts with Baghdad for oil-related equipment since the summer
 of 1998, according to diplomats, industry officials and U.N.
 documents.

 "The United States is the cradle of the international oil
 industry," said James Placke, who tracks Persian Gulf oil
 production for Cambridge Energy Research Associates, a consulting
 firm. "A lot of the equipment in Iraq's oil industry was originally
 made in America, and if you want spare parts, you go back to the
 original supplier."

 Most U.S. oil companies have been prohibited by Baghdad from
 directly purchasing Iraqi crude since the United States bombed Iraq
 during Operation Desert Fox in December 1998. But Iraq nevertheless
 has emerged in the past year as the fastest growing source of U.S.
 oil imports, according to Larry Goldstein, president of the
 Petroleum Industry Research Foundation.

 American companies, he said, now purchase about 700,000 of the
 2 million barrels of oil exported daily by Iraq, mainly through
 foreign middlemen who load the Iraqi crude and transport it
 directly to American ports, primarily in the Gulf of Mexico.

 "The Chevrons and the Exxons of this world have to buy from the
 Russians, the French and the Chinese traders," said Goldstein. But,
 he added, "the U.S. spare parts industry is too dominant to ignore."

 After approving the oil-for-food exemption in 1996, the U.N.
 Security Council gradually raised the amount of oil Iraq was
 allowed to sell, and on Dec. 17 it removed the ceiling.

 In June 1998, the 15-nation Security Council voted to allow Iraq to
 buy up to $300 million in spare parts every six months. The council
 is considering a proposal to double that limit.

 According to U.S. government figures, American firms account for
 only a tiny share of the nearly $10 billion in trade that has been
 conducted under the oil-for-food exemption. U.S. citizens have
 received licenses to export about $15 million of oil-related spare
 parts and $400 million of food, medicine and water treatment
 equipment to Iraq, according to the State Department.

 But those figures do not count most products purchased by Iraq from
 American subsidiaries abroad. This indirect U.S.-Iraqi trade is
 tracked by the United Nations, which must approve all the
 contracts. But little information about it has been made public.

 The U.N. humanitarian program for Iraq maintains a Web site that
 lists contracts by number, with a brief description of the goods
 involved and the country -- but not the company -- selling them to
 Iraq. According to this, the United States has been responsible for
 only 2 out of 2,080 contracts for oil spare parts submitted to the
 United Nations for approval. France, China and Russia, by contrast,
 submitted a total of 746 contracts.

 America's real share of this trade, while unclear, is certainly far
 greater. Until recently, visitors to the Web site could search for
 a company name and then call up the contract numbers associated
 with that company, allowing cross-referencing between contracts and
 companies. The search engine was shut down last week after U.N.
 officials learned that The Washington Post had used it to
 investigate U.S. companies doing business with Iraq through foreign
 subsidiaries.

 John Mills, spokesman for the U.N. Office of the Iraq Program,
 declined to comment on the extent of U.S. trade with Iraq, saying
 it was proprietary trade information.

 According to diplomats and the Web site, American firms that have
 done business with Iraq, directly or through subsidiaries, include
 such petroleum industry giants as Halliburton, the world's largest
 oil field service company; Schlumberger, the second largest oil
 field servicer; the Fisher-Rosemount unit of Emerson Electric Co.
 in St. Louis; the Hamilton Sundstrand unit of United Technologies
 in Windsor Locks, Conn.; and Baker Hughes Inc. of Houston.

 Deutch, the former CIA director who sits on the board of
 Schlumberger, and officials at the firm's New York headquarters did
 not respond to requests for comment on their dealings with Iraq.

 A Halliburton spokesman, Guy Marcus, confirmed that two of his
 firm's former joint ventures -- Dresser-Rand and Ingersoll-Dresser
 Pump -- conducted business with Baghdad. "The joint ventures sold
 spare parts to Iraq through European subsidiaries," he said.

 Marcus added, however, that Halliburton's share of both joint
 ventures was sold in the last two months to Ingersoll-Rand of
 Woodcliff Lake, N.J.,  which now wholly owns them. He also said
 that Cheney, the former secretary of defense, "was not involved in
 the management of either joint venture and was not involved in the
 decision to make such sales" to Iraq.

 According to one diplomat at the United Nations, Dresser-Rand and
 Ingersoll-Dresser Pump signed $29 million in contracts for spare
 parts with Iraq through affiliates in Austria, France, Germany and
 Italy. Marcus said he did not know whether that figure was accurate.

 Peg Hashem, a spokeswoman for Hamilton Sundstrand, confirmed that a
 French subsidiary, Dosapro Milton Roy, sold pumps for Iraqi water
 treatment plants in a contract worth "under $1 million." She said
 it was also possible that the firm had sold additional equipment to
 Iraq.

 Spokesmen for Dresser-Rand, Dresser-Ingersoll Pump Co. and Baker
 Hughes did not respond to requests for comment on their ties to
 Iraq. But a Fisher-Rosemount spokesman, Walt Sharp, acknowledged
 that it has sold equipment to Iraq. Although he was not sure of the
 value of the contracts, he said, all the deals were approved by the
 Treasury Department and a U.N. Security Council sanctions committee.

 Indeed, Diplomats said Washington has been a greater obstacle for
 American businesses than Baghdad. The United States has placed
 "holds" on more than 1,000 contracts valued at $1.5 billion under
 the oil-for-food program, including some held by American
 companies. A review of 22 Fisher-Rosemount contracts, for example,
 showed that the United States had held up eight and approved seven;
 the remainder were pending or had been canceled.

 "We don't play favorites," said a State Department official.





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