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Understanding the Sunshine Count: Who is Watching the Watchers?
by Alan Balch, Doctoral Candidate
In this article:
A Brief Review
Understanding the "Who Would Have Won Florida" Stories
Judicial Watch Equivocates
Debunking the Heart of the Judicial Watch Report
Judging Judicial Watch by Their Own Standards
The Washington Times Distorts Judicial Watch's Findings
For a group that claims the moral high ground, Judicial Watch's announcement
that "Bush is still the winner" following their partial "sunshine count" of
the undervotes was contrived and misleading at best.  Moreover, the reports
in the media regarding this analysis are similarly spurious.
Pressed for time?  Start with this section  Debunking the Heart of the
Judicial Watch Report  or click here to link to a condensed version of this
article
A Brief Review
The whole focus on counting the undervotes was born out of the State Supreme
Court's decision to require 64 of Florida's 67 counties to manually canvass
all their undervotes (roughly 45,000 total ballots).  Such a count would not
have included Palm Beach, Volusia, or Broward Counties; the latter two
because their undervotes were included in the certified total prior to the
Court's Decision, and Palm Beach because the Court's decision included an
order to add to the state's certified vote tally the results of their
completed but tardy manual recount (a net gain of 176 votes for Gore).  In
addition, the court decision required Dade's partial manual recount (a net
gain of 168 votes for Gore) included in the certified total.  These additions
shrunk Bush's 537 vote lead down to 193 votes.   The undervote count was to
include the overvotes from all the remaining counties including Dade, which
still had roughly 9,000 undervotes yet to be reviewed.  As we all now know,
the US Supreme Court halted this count and closed the door on the Florida
election.  Enter the "sunshine count" -- a review of the ballots by various
organizations made possible by Florida's open access laws to public records.

Understanding the "Who Would Have Won Florida" Stories
Those reporting the results of the sunshine reviews thus far seem bent on
using them to play the "who really won Florida" game (in my opinion, they
should be reporting what was found rather than declaring a winner).  If such
speculation is going to be promoted, then it seems only fair to try and place
such predictions in the context of plausible election events with the
potential ti change the election's outcome.  At least three possible
scenarios exist for trying to determine a "winner" based on the sunshine
review (yes, I know there are more, but this list should suffice for the
purposes of this article):
1) Who would have won if the State Supreme Court's final decision was left
standing by the US Supreme Court?  To explore this scenario, a complete
analysis of all the undervotes from across the state (excluding Broward, Palm
Beach, and Volusia) must be compared against a 193 vote Bush lead.
click here for more details
2) Who would have won if the manual recounts requested by the Gore campaign
in 4 South Florida Counties were all completed and included in the state
totals?  Recall that everyone finished their manual recounts except for Dade
(Palm Beach finished, but missed the court imposed deadline by a few hours).
To explore this scenario, the results of a sunshine review of both the
undervotes and overvotes in Dade County should be compared to roughly a 360
vote Bush following the manual recounts in Broward, Volusia, and Palm Beach.
click here for more details
3) Who would have won in a manual review of all the machine unreadable
ballots from across the state (including undervotes and overvotes)?  This
scenario is what many critics and pundits were howling for (myself included),
but it is the highly removed from actual events in Florida (a statewide
manual recount of undervotes and overvotes was never on the table at any
point).
click here for more details

Judicial Watch Equivocates
Several media organizations have weighed in on the "who would have won
Florida" debate.  Click here for a brief synopsis of recent entries.  The
latest installment comes from a group called Judicial Watch with strong right
wing ties, which recently reported the results of its partial sunshine count
(partial meaning six counties).  They assert "that a statewide recount of the
Florida undervotes would not have changed the outcome of the presidential
election."  To summarize, Judicial Watch determined who would have won
Florida if the State Supreme Court's statewide undervote count order had been
followed based on the following: out of 45,000 from 64 counties slated to be
counted, they counted 25,000 of them in six counties and reported a net gain
of 106 to 117 Bush votes.  They then speculate that a statewide recount would
not have been enough to erase Bush's 193 vote lead resulting from the State
Supreme Court's decision (of course they leave out the latter information).
They also "inspected" the ballots from Palm Beach and Broward, but undervotes
from these counties would not have been counted during the statewide
undervote count.  Palm Beach and Broward conducted full manual recounts of
all their ballots including overvotes and undervotes prior to the State
Supreme Court Decision.  The results of Broward's manual count were already
included in the state's totals and the Supreme Court decision ordering the
statewide undervote count also added Palm Beach's manual recount results to
the official tally.  The purpose of Judicial Watch's analysis of these
counties was to double check the work of the canvassing boards and election
officials, not to shed light on the "what if" scenario surrounding the
undervote count.  More details about Judicial Watch's analysis can be found
here.  There own press release is available here.
Thus, Judicial Watch essentially did two different types of analyses: one was
the six-county undervote count to determine what would have happened if the
undervote order was executed in only six counties and the other was the
double check of what actually did happen during the manual recounts in Palm
Beach and Broward counties.  These two inspections are not commensurable for
the purposes of determining who would have won Florida during a statewide
undervote count.  However, Judicial Watch combines the two studies into one
to make it appear as if they studied the bulk of the undervotes that would
have been investigated during the undervote count.  This implication is
false.  Moreover, Judicial Watch's analysis is incomplete in two important
but undisclosed ways: 1) their undervote count does not include roughly 45%
of the undervotes spread unevenly across 58 counties; 2) they only "double
checked" the entire canvass of ballots in two counties to assess what
actually happened, leaving 65 counties unscrutinized and thereby failing to
"judiciously watch" the questionable behavior and decisions of numerous other
canvassing boards like those in Gadsden, Lake, Duval, Seminole, Orange, etc,
etc.
Unpacking the Key Sentence in the Judicial Watch Report
Here is the crucial excerpt from their analysis (download entire report here)
.
"In total, we have inspected ballots representing 42,724 (68%) of the 62,605
ballots reported as undervotes in the certified State tally. Based upon the
results of this inspection, the results of the Florida election would not
have changed with a manual recount of these counties.  Further, based upon
the scope of our inspection and the analysis of the results thereof, it is
our view that the results of the Florida election would not have changed with
a manual recount of all the counties in the State."
Commentary: Technically, these sentences are accurate by themselves.  The
first is a statement of fact, and the second one is an opinion, albeit one
not backed up with any evidence.  However, these two sentences put together
are highly misleading because they provide the appearance that their review
was sufficient to determine who would have won Florida following the
statewide undervote count -- an appearance dutifully reported by some media
outlets as fact.  If their goal was determining who would have won the
statewide undervote count, then their analysis is significantly less
extensive than they make it sound on paper.  Relevant to the statewide
undervote count, they studied approximately 25,000 of the 45,000 undervotes
statewide that would have been canvassed pursuant to the State Supreme
Court's decision. They studied ballots from six of the 64 counties covered by
the Court's recount order.  While their results from these six counties show
that Bush's 193 vote lead would expand if only these six counties conducted
undervote counts, they tell us nothing about the remaining 20,000 undervotes
from 58 counties that would also have examined their undervotes along with
these six counties.
Their 42,724 is derived by adding the Palm Beach and Broward undervotes,
which they analyzed as part of their review of the ballot counting methods in
these counties.  However, the undervotes from these counties would not have
been included in the statewide undervote count because they would have
already been included in the state's certified totals prior to the undervote
count.  The 62,605 number they use includes all the undervotes from across
the state including those from Broward, Palm Beach, and Volusia.  Once again,
the ballots from these counties would be irrelevant to determining the
outcome of the statewide undervote canvass because these ballots would not
have been included in that effort.  Judicial Watch notes that these 62,000
ballots represent the total reported to the state; what they neglect to tell
you is that this figure is not the number of ballots slated to be canvassed
in the undervote count.
They apparently rely upon the 68% figure quoted above to make their study
seem more expansive than it actually is in terms of determining the outcome
of the statewide undervote count.  They make it clear that their conclusion
is only an opinion (i.e., "their view"), but their report offers no evidence
or validation for this opinion.  In other words, they did not show that Bush
would have won in a statewide undervote count; they only speculate that he
would have based on the results from the six counties they actually
analyzed.  Why should we assume that a review of the remaining 20,000
undervotes would not turn up a net gain of 300 to 500 or even 1,000 Gore
votes?  Their own analysis shows incredible variations across counties in the
number of possible uncounted votes and the distribution of those votes
between Bush and Gore. Click here for an example.  No discernible pattern
exists in the six counties they studied, so how can they use the results from
those counties to  predict the results of the undervote count from the
remaining 58 counties and 20,000 undervotes?  They only rationale they
provide for such a conclusion is that their examination of a little more than
half of the undervote ballots is sufficient in scope to  justify such a
conclusion.  Their lack of empirical or logical evidence for this conclusion
suggests an ulterior motive: a "Bush Wins Statewide Recount" headline.  A
more accurate and honest press release would have simply stated that Bush
netted 116 votes in undervote count from six large counties.
Judging Judicial Watch by Their Own Standards
Judicial Watch claims to be "an ethical and legal "watchdog" over  our
government" in an effort to "promote a return to ethics and morality in our
nation's public life."  Based on the way they unethically distorted and
misrepresented their own supposedly bipartisan and unbiased study, it seem
that this pledge does not apply to their own efforts.  In a clear effort to
stretch the truth until they could arrive at their desired conclusion (i.e.,
that Bush would have won Florida during an statewide undervote count) and
provide the media the necessary fodder they need to spin the same story,
Judicial Watch displays a flagrant disregard for the type of ethics and
morality so desperately needed in our nation's political discourse.
In other words, they reported just enough information and blew the little
information they did gather out of proportion in order to reach their
politically loaded and partisan conclusions.  As is true of most politicians
and political groups across the political spectrum, ethical and moral
behavior conveniently become irrelevant or excusable in the expedient
pursuant of one's own partisan agenda.
The Washington Times Distorts Judicial Watch's Findings
At least two major media outlets ran the Judicial Watch story: USA Today
(click here for article) and The Washington Times (click here for article).
The USA Today's coverage pretty much reported the key excerpt from Judicial
Watch, which was examined already in detail.  Thus, USA Today's piece was no
more misleading than the Judicial Watch's Press Release and for the same
reasons already covered up to this point.  However, the Washington Times took
the Judicial Watch Report and distorted it.  Written by Audrey Hudson, the
article was titled "Bush is victor again in latest Florida tally" and ran on
Page A9 of the March 23, 2001 edition.  Here are two key excerpts from that
piece that show a flagrant disregard for accuracy.
The first sentence for the article was as follows:
"An independent audit of the Florida election process shows that a statewide
recount of the undervotes would not have changed the outcome of the
presidential election."
The audit was not of the Florida election process.  It was a canvass of the
undervotes in six of the 64 counties that would have conducted such counts
pursuant to the State Supreme Court decision.  The audit did include a review
of the canvassing process, but only in 2 out of 68 counties.  Such a limited
review of ballots hardly constitutes an audit of Florida's election process.
Moreover, the audit in no way shows that a statewide recount of the
undervotes would not have changed the election's outcome as the Times
asserts.  It only shows that a manual canvass of the undervotes in six
counties would not have changed the outcome, but it does not demonstrate the
same for entire state.  Judicial Watch makes it clear that their assertion
that a statewide recount would not have changed the election outcome is an
opinion based on the six counties they analyzed, not a demonstrated fact
based on analysis of all the undervotes from across the state.  In other
words, it was the opinion of the independent auditors that a statewide
undervote count would not have changed the election outcome; they did not,
however, "show" this to be the case.
"Applying a strict standard of clear punches, hanging or swinging chads Mr.
Bush's net increase was 116 votes.  Mr Bush also received an additional 116
votes from dimpled chads, according to the audit."
Actually, Judicial Watch's "strict" standard included all types of chads
(hanging, swinging, and tri chads), plus those with other holes – "A pinhole
was punched through some portion of the candidate box but not necessarily the
chad" and other marks - "the presidential chad had a distinguishing mark from
a writing instrument, such as a circle or an “X”, which clearly showed intent
to caste a vote in that instance."   The second sentence in this excerpt is
the especially misleading because it indicates that Bush would have picked an
additional 116 votes if dimpled chads were counted on top of the 116 gained
from those ballots with clear punches and dislodged chad.  This statement is
false.  According to Judicial Watch's Analysis, Bush votes were found on
3,098 dimpled ballots in the six counties and Gore votes were found on 3,155
dimpled ballots.  In fact, Gore gained 57 votes in the dimpled category,
which would reduce Mr. Bush's net gain to 59 if the

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