-Caveat Lector-
THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS
The threat to religious freedom inherent in the pseudo-
scientific theories and language of West, Singer and other
CAN-associated psychologists, psychiatrists and sociologists
is evident. That they have been used to rationalize
criminal activity is equally evident. As early as 1974 the
National council of churches warned of CFF's danger to
religious liberty:
[R]eligious liberty is one of the most precious
rights of humankind, which is grossly violated
by forcible abduction and protracted efforts to
change a person's religious commitments by
duress. Kidnapping for ransom is a heinous
crime indeed, but kidnapping to compel religious
deconversion is equally criminal (Arenberg,
1993, p. 60).
And if the dangerous implications of applying CAN's credo to
the political arena were not already obvious, CAN's
executive director, Cynthia Kisser, made them explicit in an
article entitled "Nation needs to address cults' ever-
present evils," written originally for the Los Angeles Daily
News and reprinted in a number of papers around the country
during the Waco siege. In it Kisser warned: "Cults also
hurt society when their members undermine the democratic
process by voting in solid blocks [sic] or by providing free
volunteer labor to campaigns in return for favors from
candidates" (Kisser, 1993). To most people this would serve
as a model description of healthy participation by an
interest group or party in a representative democracy. But
apparently to CAN only groups of which it approves should be
allowed to vote in "blocks" and volunteer for political
campaigns. When groups CAN doesn't like ("cults")
participate in electoral politics, it "undermines the
democratic process."
Frighteningly, the FBI appears to share this way of
thinking. In 1988 and again in 1991 the Bureau launched
investigations of the New Alliance Party (NAP), a left-wing
electoral party, rationalizing this harassment by labeling
NAP a "political/cult organization" (New Alliance Party vs.
Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1993).
Founded in 1979 and based primarily in communities of color
in our country's inner cities, over the last 14 years NAP
has run candidates for local, state and federal office in
every state and received millions of votes. In 1988 NAP's
presidential candidate, Dr. Lenora Fulani, became the first
woman and the first African American presidential candidate
in U.S. history to be on the ballot in 40 states. In both
campaigns Fulani qualified for and received federal primary
matching funds.
The 1988 investigation , sparked by a Phoenix, Arizona
"informant of unknown reliability," included at least 24
field offices and the national headquarters, all of which
devoted federal resources to compiling dossiers on NAP. The
investigation generated numerous communications from the FBI
to law enforcement officials around the country warning
them, without cause, that NAP members--who at the time were
actively campaigning in the 1988 presidential campaign--
should be considered "armed and dangerous" (New Alliance
Party vs. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1993).
The 1991 investigation was launched solely on the basis of
protected First Amendment activities and despite the fact
that the FBI itself had concluded that NAP had broken no
laws. As with the earlier investigation, it was buttressed
with propaganda from a private organization with its own
political agenda, in this case the Anti-Defamation League of
the B'nai B'rith. The 1991 FBI files on NAP contain an ADL
"report" attacking NAP and labeling the independent party
"part Marxist sect, part therapy cult" (FBI Airtel, July 24,
1991).
In addition, since the distribution of PRA's cult-baiting
pamphlet in 1987, publications hostile to NAP's politics--
including the Village Voice, the Boston Phoenix, the New
York Post, and various publications of the Communist Party
of the United States--have published articles which
explicitly or implicitly apply the "cult" label to NAP. In
turn, some of these articles, or references to them, have
been incorporated into the FBI files (FBI Airtel, May 1,
1988).
On June 24, 1993 Representative Don Edwards (D-CA), chairman
of the Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights of
the House Judiciary Committee set a letter to William
Sessions protesting the FBI investigations of NAP:
I am writing about the FBI's interest in the New
Alliance Party (NAP). This is the second time
that the FBI's handling of a NAP matter has
raised questions about the focus and management
your terrorist program. The FBI's treatment of
NAP in recent years evidences a lack of
perspective on world and national events and a
continuing focus on First Amendment activities
instead of criminal conduct...The NAP documents
raise something more troubling [than wasteful
carelessness] and that is that the FBI continues
to treat ideology as an indicator of a
predisposition to crime...I must request that
the Bureau cease basing investigative action on
this type of predicate (Edwards, 1993).
Responding to an investigation of the ADL by the San
Francisco district attorney--which indicates that the ADL's
"fact-finding" division was part of an information-trading
operation which included local police departments, the FBI
and foreign governments (most notably, the apartheid regime
in South Africa)--Edwards told the San Francisco Examiner
that he planned to investigate "whether the FBI was using
private surrogates to collect the information it cannot
collect directly" (Opatrny and Winokur, 1993).
Within a month of the Waco massacre, NAP, Fulani and two
members of the NAP National Committee (Dr. Fred Newman and
Dr. Rafael Mendez) filed suit in federal court against the
FBI, then-FBI director William Sessions, James Fox, the
acting director of the Bureau's New York Division, and
Attorney General Janet Reno. The lawsuit charges that the
FBI's description of a political organization as a "cult"--
or the use of such a description to justify investigative
activities, the use of force, criminal prosecution or
governmental regulation--violates the First, Fourth and
Fifth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution, which
respectively guarantee the right to freedom of speech and
association, freedom of assembly and due process (New
Alliance Party vs. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1993).
Pointing out that the term "cult" does "not appear in any
federal statute or regulation, or in the Federal Rules of
Evidence, as a predicate for declaring a person legally
incompetent, depriving a person of parental rights, or
subjecting a person to psychological warfare and the use of
deadly force by federal law enforcement authorities," the
suit challenges the appropriateness of the FBI's use of the
label as a rational for investigation (New Alliance Party
vs. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1993, p. 12).
Furthermore, the suit points out:
The actions taken by the defendants [the FBI, et
al] against the Branch Davidian group in Waco,
Texas in February-April 1993, and the
defendants' explanations, justifications, and
internal investigation and analyses of their
actions, demonstrate that [they] have created
and are further evolving a modus operandi of
practices under which the defendants do not give
full recognition and respect to the
constitutional and civil rights of individuals
whom defendants label as being associated with
"cults." Classifying NAP as a "political cult"
rather than acknowledging NAP as a political
party, is a means of evading the high degree of
constitutional scrutiny to which governmental
interference with political activity must be
subjected (New Alliance Party vs. Federal Bureau
of Investigation, 1993, p. 2).
The suit, which is scheduled to be heard before Judge
Constance Baker Motley in September 1993 in U.S. District
Court, Southern District of New York, points to the chilling
effect that the increasing use of the "cult" label can have
on the development of new and minority political parties and
organizations:
In the current climate, which defendants have
helped to create, giving a group the status of
"cult" has a stigmatizing an injurious effect on
the group... in the same was as government
labeling of groups as "subversive,"
"totalitarian," "radical," "Black nationalist,"
"communist sympathizing" has impaired
constitutionally protected speech and
association. By giving United States Government
imprimatur to an alleged status--"cult"--the
defendants are facilitating actions both by
private persons and by government officials that
impair the exercise of constitutional rights
(New Alliance Party vs. Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 1993, pp. 14-15).
Although the investigation of the New Alliance Party is, at
this point, the best know case of CAN language and concepts
being applied to a political organization, the emergence of
this new psychological/political category has implications
that go well beyond the specifics of the NAP case to
fundamental constitutional issues of free association.
CAN's ability to influence, if only indirectly, the policies
and thinking of a federal agency is hinted at in the NAP
investigations. Its ability to influence government policy
and media coverage is made all the more clear in the events
surrounding the siege and massacre at Waco.
WACO
A key link in the chain of events which led to the FBI
massacre of nearly 90 people--including 24 children, 17 of
them under the age of 10--outside Waco, Texas on April 19,
1993 began over a year earlier when Rick Ross, a CAN-
affiliated "deprogrammer," allegedly began targeting the
Branch Davidian sect for potential kidnappings, to be paid
for by relatives of members of the group (Robertson, 1993,
p. 1).
Ross has boasted of committing more than 200
"deprogrammings" and has a criminal record stretching back
to 1975, when he was convicted of robbing diamonds estimated
at $500,000 from a Phoenix, Arizona jewelry store (The State
of Arizona vs. Ricky Alan Ross, 1975). Ross has been
praised by CAN executive director Cynthia Kisser as being
"among the half dozen best deprogrammers in the country"
(Kisser, Ross promotional material).
David Block, a Branch Davidian for five years, was,
according to a sworn affidavit by Samuel Russell (an earlier
CAN target), "deprogrammed" by Ross, Adeline Bova and CAN
national spokesperson Priscilla Coates in Coates' home in
Glendale, California in the summer of 1992. During the
"deprogramming" Block "furnished Ross with information about
the Branch Davidian sect, including details of their stored
weapons" (Russell, 1993). Ross himself bragged on "Up to
the Minute" on public television that long before the raid
he had "consulted with ATF agents on the Waco sect and told
them about the guns in the compound" (Robertson, 1993, p.
2). Attorney Linda Thompson of the American Justice
Foundation, who represents some of the survivors of the
massacre, maintains that "a CAN advisor to the BATF
[presumably Ross] was providing disinformation for 30 days
before the assault" (Thompson, 1993, p. 1). In the
affidavits submitted to obtain a search warrant, ATF agents
used language associated with CAN, calling the residents of
the Mt. Carmel Center "a religious cult commune" (Aguilera,
1993).
On February 27, 1993, the day before the initial ATF assault
on Mt. Carmel, the Waco Tribune-Herald began a seven-part
series on the Branch Davidians entitled "The Sinful
Messiah." According to its authors, Mark England and
Darlene McCormick, the piece was the result of an eight-
month investigation and interviews with "more than ten"
former members of the group. At least some of these sources
were supplied by CAN. English and McCormick quote a man
"deprogrammed" by Ross "who had been with Howell [Koresh]
for at least five years"--most likely David Block. The
fourth installment in the series, published the day after
the shootout, included a sidebar entitled "Experts: Branch
Davidians dangerous, destructive cult." It quotes Ross as
declaring, "The group is without doubt, without any doubt
whatsoever, a highly destructive, manipulative cult...I
would liken the group to Jim Jones." Coates calls the
Branch Davidians "unsafe or destructive." And both say that
they believe David Koresh practices "mind control."
It is clear from the article, which was written before the
ATF staged its raid, that Ross had been agitating for the
government to move against the group. England and McCormick
report in the sidebar to part four:
Ross said he believes Howell [Koresh] is prone
to violence...Speaking out and exposing Howell
might bring in the authorities or in some way
help those "being held in that compound through
a kind of psychological, emotional slavery and
servitude," he said. Ross said authorities need
to understand that Howell is fully capable of
violence. "You could say that it is a very
dangerous group," Ross said (England and
McCormick, 1993).
Dr. James Wood, a professor of religion at Baylor University
in Waco and a resident of the city since 1955, told a
reporter from the National Alliance Newsweekly, "Before
February I had never heard of them [the Branch Davidians]
being referred to as a cult." A check by the Tribune-
Herald's librarian confirmed that before the English-
McCormick series, the Branch Davidian sect--which had been
in Waco since the mid-1930s--had previously been referred to
in the Tribune-Herald as a "religious group," not as a
"cult."
On "Nightline" with Ted Koppel, broadcast on April 19 (the
day of the massacre), Balenda Ganem, the mother of a
Davidian survivor, put forward the claim that CAN was making
"proposals" to the FBI throughout the siege:
These proposals came from Cult Awareness
professionals all over the country. They came
in the form of faxes to the White House, to
Janet Reno, to William Sessions. They came in
the form of registered letters. They came in
the form of live television interviews, books
being distributed from the Cult Awareness
Network, from Cult Awareness professionals, a
team of them ("Nightline" transcript, April 19,
1993).
During the House Judiciary Committee hearing on "Events
Surrounding the Branch Davidian Cult Standoff in Waco,
Texas" held on April 28 of this year [1993], both Attorney
General Janet Reno and FBI Director William Sessions said in
their prepared statements that the FBI had consulted "cult
experts" in the course of the siege (Reno, 1993; Sessions,
1993). When questioned by Representative William Hughes
about whether the Bureau had consulted with the Cult
Awareness Network, neither official responded directly.
When asked the same question by a reporter from the National
Alliance, however, an FBI spokesperson answered in the
affirmative.
Whatever advisory role CAN played with the ATF (and perhaps
the FBI), there is no question that CAN spokespersons
(usually referred to as "national cult experts") were given
ready access to the media throughout the siege. Marcia R.
Rudlin, director of the International Cult Education Program
of the CAN-allied American Family Foundation, gave 130
interviews between March 10 and May 13, 1993, and as the
AFF's publication, The Cult Observer, notes: "The listing
[of interviews] could be multiplied many times to account
for the hundreds of interviews given by AFF-associated
professionals during the same period" (American Family
Foundation, 1993).
Kisser, in her March 13 article "Nation needs to address
cults' ever-present evil," called on the government to spend
money on fighting the cults. "If we can educate about the
dangers of drugs, AIDS and gangs," she wrote, "we can
provide important information about cults...[C]ults violate
constitutional rights, destroy the family and exploit the
weak" (Kisser, 1993).
On April 8, 11 days before the fatal attack, CAN president
Patricia Ryan told the Houston Chronicle that "Officials
should use whatever means necessary to arrest Koresh,
including lethal force." In that same article Kisser warned
that talking with Koresh was similar to talking to an insane
person. "People who are in a closed system, the cult
leaders, think differently than you and I" (Keeton and
Pinkerton, 1993).
This is not the first time that CAN-associated
"deprogrammers" have apparently instigated violent law
enforcement moves against a small religious group. In 1982
Priscilla Coates, then the director of CFF, and
"deprogrammer" Galen Kelly helped set the stage for a
similar raid on the Northeast Kingdom Community at Island
Pond in northern Vermont (UPI, November 28, 1982). The
supposed intent of that raid--authorized by Vermont's
attorney general and later called an illegal "fishing
expedition" by a state judge--was to rescue nearly 100
children, most of them African American, from the compound
of the small Christian commune whose adult members were
allegedly committing child abuse. In the days that
followed, the state determined that the only abuse to have
occurred was the raid itself. All the children were
subsequently returned (Robertson, 1993, pp. 2-3).
As is well known, things did not work out as well for the
children of the Branch Davidians. The gas which the FBI
pumped into the buildings at Mt. Carmel for six hours before
the compound erupted into flame was O-
chlorobenzalmalononitrile (CS), the manufacture, production,
possession, and use of which were banned during the Chemical
Weapons Convention in Paris in January of this year [1993].
More than 100 nations, including the United States, endorsed
the ban, which is awaiting ratification.
Benjamin C. Garrett, executive director of the Chemical and
Biological Arms Control Institute in Alexandria, Virginia,
describes what effect it had on the Branch Davidians trapped
inside the building. "It would have panicked the children.
Their eyes would have involuntarily shut. Their skin would
have been burning. They would have been gasping for air and
coughing wildly...Eventually, they would have been overcome
with vomiting in a final hell. It would not have been
pretty" (Seper, 1993).
Ironically, the justification given by Attorney General
Janet Reno for approving the pumping of CS gas into the
compound was the charge of child abuse first supplied by
Rick Ross' victims. On the afternoon of the fire Reno said,
"We had information...that babies were being beaten." That
evening she told talk show host Larry King, "We were
concerned for the children because there had been reports of
sexual abuse of the children." The next day President Bill
Clinton echoed this rationale, saying the group's children
"were being abused significantly, as well as being forced to
live in unsanitary and unsafe conditions." (The president
failed to mention the fact that the unsanitary and unsafe
conditions were a result of the ATF/FBI siege, nor did he
explain how killing the children was the best way to end
their alleged abuse.)
At the same time that Reno and Clinton were echoing CAN
allegations of child abuse, FBI director William Sessions
said his agency had "no contemporaneous evidence of child
abuse in the compound." After a nine-week study of the 21
children released from the compound in the early stages of
the 51-day siege, the Texas Department of Protective and
Regulatory Services concluded, "None of the allegations [of
child abuse] could be verified. The children denied being
abused in any way by any adults in the
compound...Examinations of the children produced no
indication of current or previous injuries." In response to
this announcement by Texas officials, CAN spokesperson
Priscilla Coates told the Washington Post, "I know how these
types of groups work and children are always abused"
(Niebuhr and Thomas, 1993). Within a week or so after the
massacre references to child abuse by the Branch Davidians
had all but disappeared from the press.
Before the ashes of Mt. Carmel had settled, CAN was busy
putting its spin on the massacre. The night of April 19
Louis "Jolly" West was a guest on PBS's "MacNeil/Lehrer
Hour," where he said of the FBI: "They knew they were
dealing with a psychopath. Nobody is more dangerous or
unpredictable than a psychopath in a trap" (West, 1993).
That same night Kisser was the "expert" guest on an ABC News
special hosted by Peter Jennings, during which she alleged
that there are over 2,000 "cults" in America and warned of
more violence to come.
A similar "warning" came three days later when William
Goldberg, a CAN-affiliated psychiatric social worker in
private practice in River Edge, New Jersey, was the guest on
"Informed Sources" on WNET-TV, New York City's PBS
affiliate. Over footage of surviving Branch Davidians, host
Maria Hinojosa spoke of "several hundred destructive cults
here in our own metropolitan area," but only specified one
such "cult"--the New Alliance Party. Later in the show,
after Goldberg identified NAP as a "political cult,"
Hinojosa claimed to have information that NAP members had
been engaged in weapons training and asked, "Could something
like what happened in Waco happen here in New York?"
(Friedman, 1993).
In the Glendale [California] News-Press, Priscilla Coates
warned Americans against "second guessing" the FBI's
actions, explaining, "As a society I don't know that we've
had that much contact with sociopaths, and sociopaths are
unpredictable" (Yarborough, 1993).
At the same time CAN worked to position itself as the best
defense against the "cult" threat. In an interview with the
Houston Post a few days after the attack, Patricia Ryan
urged the federal government to make more use of CAN's
"expertise," arguing that Washington has failed to study
"cults," educate citizens about their danger or coordinate
law enforcement strategy to prosecute their crimes (Witham,
1993).
Meanwhile, CAN was attempting to move in on the lucrative
business of "deprogramming" Branch Davidian survivors. On
April 23 Brett Bates, and "exit counselor" for the Texas
chapter of the Cult Awareness Network, began meeting with
the families of survivors, seeking contracts to "deprogram"
them. he was quoted in the New York Daily News: "Before
they become productive members of the prosecution, they have
to realize they were victims of mind control. They have to
realize that this is not David Koresh, the Messiah. This
was someone who led a cultic group and burned down a
building with women and children." Bates told the Daily
News that he thought the Branch Davidians, locked in jail
and mourning the deaths of their husbands, wives, children
and friends would be a "unique challenge" (Hackett and
Sennott, 1993).
The day after the debacle President Clinton, denying all
responsibility for the deaths and echoing CAN's line on
"cults," said, "There is, unfortunately, a rise in this sort
of fanaticism all across the world, and we may have to
confront it again...I hope very much that others who will be
tempted to join cults and to become involved with people
like David Koresh will be deterred by [these] horrible
scenes" (Witham, 1993).
The response from the religious and civil libertarian
communities to the government violence at Waco was swift,
but sorely undercovered in the media.
In a letter to Jack Brooks, chairman of the House Judiciary
Committee, dated April 27, 1993, Laura Murphy Lee, director
of the Washington, D.C. office of the American Civil
Liberties Union, cautioned against any "new government
authority to investigate unpopular or unusual religious
groups, without reasonable suspicion that criminal laws have
been violated, in violation of the Constitutional guarantee
of the free exercise of religion." The confrontation in
Waco, she warned, "raises the specter of unconstitutional
surveillance of religious or political groups that was
widespread during the COINTELPRO-type investigations which
occurred through the mid-1970's" (Lee, 1993).
During a hearing on the events at Waco held by the House
Judiciary Committee on April 28, 1993, Rep. John Conyers (D-
MI) told Attorney General Reno:
The root cause of this problem was it was
considered a military operation and it wasn't.
This is a profound disgrace to law enforcement
in the U.S.A. and you did the right thing by
offering to resign...I would like you to know
that there is at least one member of Congress
that is not going to rationalize the death of
two dozen children...that decision that was
jointly made by these agencies bears extreme
criticism (Conyers, 1993).
On April 20 Joseph Bettis, a Methodist minister an professor
of religious studies at Western Washington University, wrote
to Attorney General Reno:
From the beginning, members of the Cult
Awareness Network have been involved in this
tragedy. This organization is widely known for
its use of fear to foster religious bigotry.
The reliance of federal agents on information
supplied by these people, as well as the whole
record of federal activity deserves your careful
investigation and public disclosure...As long as
the home and church of the Branch Davidians is
not protected from invasion by the government,
none of our homes, churches, synagogues,
mosques, temples, or shrines is safe..."Cult
bashing" must end, and you must take the lead
(Bettis, 1993).
On April 23 Larry Shinn, vice president for academic
affairs at Bucknell University, wrote to Congressman Don
Edwards, chairman of the Subcommittee on Civil and
Constitutional Rights of the House Judiciary Committee:
"[M]edia, legal institutions, and law-makers too often rely
on the word of self-styled cult experts like C.A.N. (Cult
Awareness Network) whose overly negative agenda often slides
into a purely anti-religious attack" (Shinn, 1993).
Dean M. Kelley, counselor on religious liberty to the
National Council of Churches, issued a statement which
concluded, in part:
[W]e are confronted with the prospect of a vast
military assault worthy of the Keystone Kops
directed against a relatively small and thus far
unaggressive religious band whose chief offense
appears to have been acting like a "cult,"
whatever that is (beyond a religious outfit that
we don't understand and don't approve of). The
anti-cult harpies have suggested an ingenious
rational for this intervention: it was designed
to "rescue" the "hostages" held "captive" by
Koresh through..."mind control" (Kelley, 1993).
The association of World Academics for Religious Education
issued a statement which argued: "Had the ATF and the FBI
consulted and followed the advice of mainstream academic
experts, the Waco tragedy could have been avoided" (AWARE,
1993).
In early May a broad range of mainstream religious and civil
libertarian organizations issued a statement which read in
part:
We are shocked and saddened by the recent events
in Waco...Under the religious liberty provisions
of the First Amendment, the government has no
business declaring what is orthodox or
heretical, or what is a true or false religion.
It should steer clear of inflammatory and
misleading labels. History teaches that today's
"cults" may be tomorrow's mainstream religions.
The statement was signed by American Baptist Churches in the
U.S.A.; American Civil Liberties Union, Washington Office;
American Conference on Religious Movements; Americans United
for Separation of Church and State; Association of Christian
Schools; International Baptist Joint Committee on Public
Affairs; Church of Scientology International; Churches'
Center for Theology and Public Policy; Episcopal Church;
First Liberty Institute; General Conference of Seventh-Day
Adventists; Greater Grace World Outreach; National
Association of Evangelicals; National Council of Churches of
Christ; Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), Washington Office; and
the Union of American Hebrew Congregations.
CONCLUSION
We urge you to inform yourselves, your constituents and your
readers of the activities and influence of the Cult
Awareness Network. Attached you will find a bibliography,
and a list of experts on the constitutional, legal,
psychological, and religious implications of the activities
of the Cult Awareness Network.
------------------------------------------------------------
A report prepared by Ross & Green
1010 Vermont Avenue, NW, Suite 811
Washington, DC 20005
202-638-4858 / Fax 202-638-4857
7/93, (c) 1993 by Ross & Green
DISCLAIMER: This text file is a partial reprint of an
original copyrighted report by Ross & Green. All of the
text from pages 1 through 17 of the original report has been
reproduced exactly herein. The only information missing is
pages 18 through 23, which contained the report's
bibliography and list of experts. This file has been
uploaded to CompuServe with the sole intent of disseminating
important information to the World's public, and it was not
the uploader's intent to plagiarize the original work of
Ross & Green in any way. If you distribute copies of this
text file, please leave this Disclaimer intact, so that Ross
& Green receive full credit for the contents of this
document, and so interested parties may contact Ross & Green
for more information if they so desire.
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